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XII 



EUROPEAN SCHOOLS 



OP 



HISTORY AND POLITICS 



JOHNS HOPKINS UNIVERSITY STUDIES 
Historical and Political Science 

HERBERT B. ADAMS, Editor 



History is past Politics and Politics present History — i^eeman 



FIFTH SERIES 
XII 



EUROPEAN SCHOOLS 



OP 



HISTORY AND POLITICS 



By ANDREW D.'iVHITE 




BALTIMORE 

N. Murray, Publication Agent, Johns Hopkins University 
DECEMBER, 1887 



1>. 



:^ 



5l 



THE LIBRA »y)I 
OF C ONG RESS 

WASHINGTON 



Copyright, 1887, by N. Murray. 



JOHN MURPHY & CO., PRINTERS, 
BALTIMORE. 



TABLE OF CONTENTS. 



Page. 
European Schools of History and Politics : 

In Germany 7-11 

In Austria-Hungary 11-12 

In Switzerland 12 

In France 12-17 

In Italy 17-21 

Application of European Experience to Ourselves 21-44 

Modern History at Oxford, by W. J. Ashley 45-55 

Kecent Impressions of the Ecole Libre, by T. K. Worth- 

ington 56-67 

Preparation for the Civil Service in German States, by 

L. Katzenstein 68-75 

List of Books upon the German Civil Service, by L. Kat- 
zenstein 75-76 



EUROPEAN SCHOOLS 

OF 

HISTORY AND POLITICS 



In various visits to European universities during the past 
thirty-five years, I have been especially interested in this 
department, embracing those studies by which men are fitted 
to take part in public affairs, and I purpose giving a general 
account of its recent growth and present condition at some of 
the centers of European instruction, and then to bring the 
knowledge thus obtained to bear on what seems a great prac- 
tical need in our own country. 

Germany. 

In every important university in Europe, during many 
years past, extended courses of instruction in history, political 
and social science, and general jurisprudence have been pre- 
sented. The foremost rank hitherto, in this instruction, has 



^ A portion of this paper v^^as read at tlie third anniversarj of the Johns 
Hopkins University, February 22, 1879, and was then printed as read. The 
whole study is so important to students and teachers of History and Politics 
in this country that the Editor of this Series requested President White to 
allow a partial revision of the subject matter and its reproduction in the 
present form, with certain timely supplements which show what work is 
actually in progress to-day in European Schools of History and Politics. — ■ 
Editor, 

7 



8 Efaropean Schools of History and Politics. [478 

been taken by Germany. While it is true that the want of 
practical political instruction, that which comes by taking 
part directly in political affairs, has stood in the way of a 
complete, well-rounded political education of the whole people 
in that country, it is also true that to these courses is due 
almost entirely that excellence in German administration 
which is at last acknowledged by the entire world. We may 
disbelieve in the theories of government prevalent among the 
Germans, but we cannot deny their skill in administration. 

Among the German institutions, in which a leading place 
is given to instruction relating to public affairs, probably the 
most interesting is the University of Tubingen. 

Several years ago far-seeing statesmen established there a 
distinct faculty, devoted to the training of men for the service 
of the state. The results are now before the world. The 
graduates of this department hold to-day leading places not 
only in the administration of the Kingdom of Wiirtemberg, 
but throughout the German Empire. In conversation with 
leading men in Southern Germany, I have not found one who 
has not declared this and similar courses of instruction a main 
cause of the present efficiency in the German administration. 

The faculty at Tubingen, dealing practically and directly 
with political and social instruction [StaatswirtJischaftliche 
Facultdf]^ in the years 1887-88 embraced nine professors, be- 
sides sundry associate instructors, and in the faculties of law 
and philosophy were several other professors constantly giving 
instruction bearing upon these subjects. From their courses 
of lectures, recently annoiinced, I select the following : 

1. Political economy. 

2. Money. 

3. Postal and railroad system. 

4. Labor question. 

5. Agricultural policy. 

6. Forestry (5 and 6 connected with excursions). 

7. Credit and banking. 

8. Finance. 



479] European Schools of History and Politics, 9 

9. Corporations. 

10. Social statistics. 

11. General constitutional law and politics. 

12. German constitutional law. 

13. Administrative law and practice, including dealings 
with crime. 

14. International law. 

15. The philosophy of law. 

16. History of communism and socialism. 

17. Educational system of modern States. 

18. Greek and Roman institutions. 

19. History of the age of Reformation. 

20. Universal history. 

21. Constitutional history of Germany (since 1806). 

22. History of the German Empire since 1871. 

23. History of our own times since 1850. 

24. History of social revolutions of modern times. 

25. Exercises in the seminary of political economy. 

26. Exercises in the seminary of history. 
Theses for competition (^' Preisaufgaben '') : 

1. The question of the dwellings of the laborers and the 
attempts at solving it. 

2. Representation of the influence of Albrecht Thaer and 
Justus Liebig on the development of German agriculture. 

The above selection is made to show the extent of the in- 
struction. There are also many other lectures in other facul- 
ties on kindred topics. It should also be noted that these are 
the subjects presented in a single term of a single year. 
During the time given by the student to his university course 
many other important subjects would be taken up. 

The University of Tubingen may be taken as a type of 
those institutions in Central Europe which group studies re- 
lating to public affairs \_8taats- und Cameralwissenschafi] in a 
single faculty ; but in most of the universities these studies 
are not thus grouped, but simply scattered through various 
faculties, and especially through those of law and philosophy. 



10 European Schools of History and Politics, [480 

Of this latter class of institutions the University of Berlin 
may be taken as typical. From the courses given through 
the year 1887-88 I select the following, to show the scope of 
instruction : 

1. Political economy. 

2. Finance. 

3. Banking. 

4. Money. 

6. Administration. 

6. Taxation with the Romans. 

7. Agricultural policy. 

8. Statistics. 

9. Socialism and Individualism. 

10. History of the Middle Ages (4 different courses). 

11. Prussian history. 

12. Politics. 

13. Parliamentarism. 

14. History of East and Middle Asia in the 19th century. 

15. History of the Macedonian Empire. 

16. Roman history since Nero's death. 

17. Greek and Roman institutions. 

18. Geography. 

19. Constitutional history of Germany (2 different courses). 

20. Modern history (3 different courses). 

21. Sources of Greek history. 

22. History of the Roman Empire. 

23. History of the Popes. 

24. Exercises in the seminaries, besides lectures on the 
various subjects of law. 

Connected with this in the announcement were grouped a 
number of those studies which with us are generally brought 
into the courses of our agricultural colleges. In such univer- 
sities as Leipzig, Bonn, Heidelberg, Goettingen, Jena, Koenigs- 
berg, Marburg, &c., similar provisions were made. It is 
interesting to observe that in all these the professors were 
ready to grapple with living questions, and that courses were 



481] European Schools of History and Politics. 11 

given in nearly all of them by distinguished men upon ques- 
tions raised by the socialistic party. 

As regards the preparation of young men for these courses, 
it is certainly not more than equivalent to that obtained in 
American colleges and universities of a good grade by the end 
of the freshman year. Having heard recitations of classes in 
various departments of the German gymnasia, or preparatory 
colleges, I make this statement with confidence. 

Austria-Hung A ry. 

In the Austrian Empire the new and liberal government 
has carried out largely the same system. 

The announcement of the University of Vienna for 1887-88 
shows that it has adopted the Tubingen plan of a distinct fac- 
ulty for subjects relating to political and social science. In 
one term of 1887-88 courses of lectures were presented by 
this faculty, from which I select the following : 

Vienna, 1887-88 (including two Semester's). 

1. History of German Empire and law (3 different lectures). 

2. Constitutional law of Austria. 

3. Penal law and prisons. 

4. Church law. 

5. Roman law. 

6. Law of inheritance. 

7. The philosophy of law. 

8. Law of mining. 

9. Labor legislation. 

10. Finance. 

11. Political economy. 

12. Statistics. 

13. Administration. 

Besides this, provision was made in other faculties for exten- 
sive instruction in various departments and periods of history. 

As to the general character of all this instruction among 
German-speaking peoples, whatever it may have been in the 



12 European Schools of History and Politics. [482 

past, it is not at present calculated to breed doctrinaires ; it is 
large and free; the experience of the whole world is laid 
under contribution for the building up of its students ; ques- 
tions of living interest have their full share in the various 
lecture-rooms. To know how our own democracy is solving 
its problems, one of the German universities sends to this 
country for study one of its most gifted professors, one from 
whom thinking men on this side of the Atlantic have been 
glad to learn the constitutional history of their own country. 
The lectures of Professor Von Hoist, as delivered here, and 
his work upon the constitutional history of the United States, 
are sufficient to show that this instruction in the German 
universities is given in a large way, and is not made a means 
of fettering thought. At no seats of learning in the world, 
probably, is political thought more free. The University of 
Berlin stands on the main avenue of the capital of the German 
monarchy, directly opposite the Imperial Palace. Within a 
stone's throw of the Emperor's work-table are the lecture 
desks of a large number of professors, who have never hesi- 
tated to express their views fully upon all the questions arising 
between democratic and monarchical systems ; I have myself, 
in these lecture-rooms, heard sentiments freely uttered which 
accorded perfectly with the ideas of Republican and Demo- 
cratic American statesmen. 

Switzerland. 

In the Swiss Republic, instruction in political and social 
science is held in especial honor. At the universities of 
Zurich, Basle, Berne, and Geneva, a large number of profes- 
sors are constantly engaged in it ; young men come to them 
with the direct purpose of fitting themselves for a political 
career. 

France. 

In France, for many years, history, political and social 
science and general jurisprudence have held a leading place in 



483] European Schools of History and Politics. 13 

all the great institutions for higher instruction. Whatever 
may have been the political mistakes of that country, many 
of which are directly traceable to the want of popular educa- 
tion, it cannot be denied that the internal administration of 
the country is conducted with great ability, and its ordinary 
legislation with great foresight. The financial erroi^s which 
in times gone by have cost France so dear, and which have 
since been so ruinous to other nations, have been skilfully 
avoided during this century. It is common to ascribe the 
speedy recovery of France from various catastrophes to the 
subdivision of land among her people. This is doubtless an 
important factor in her success, but it is by no means all ; a 
similar subdivision of land in our own country has produced 
no such rapid recovery from financial disease. No one can 
read French discussions of economic questions without seeing 
that to the trained skill of her statesmen is in very great 
measure due that stimulus to the production of wealth, and 
that recuperative power after disaster, which astonished the 
world after 1870-71, and w^hich present the financial history 
of the French Republic in such striking contrast to our own. 

To these results have contributed in no small degree the 
courses at the College of France. At that institution, in the 
heart of Paris, a knot of men has long been giving the highest 
political and historical instruction. In the center stood 
Laboulaye, who, though later somewhat withdrawn by his 
duties in the French senate, during many years, delivered 
lectures, not only upon general political history, and especially 
upon the constitutional history of the United States, but upon 
comparative legislation. About him have stood such men as 
Wolowski, Chevalier, Levasseur, Franck, Maury, Rozier^, 
the younger Guizot, and others, treating of various great his- 
torical, political, and social questions, presenting the best 
thoughts of the past and present. Among the courses of lec- 
tures at the College of France, I noted especially the fol- 
lowing : 

1. International law. 



14 European Schools of History and Politics. [484 

2. Comparative history of legislation. 

3. Political economy. 

4. History of economic doctrines. 

5. History and morals. 

6. History of political literature. 

At the Sorbonne and various institutions throughout France, 
as at Dijon, Caen, Poictiers, Bordeaux, Grenoble, Toulouse, 
Rennes, Aix, and others, similar instruction, in a greater or 
less degree, is presented by vigorous men. 

But perhaps the most interesting creation of the last 25 
years, as regards the preparation of young men for the service 
of the state, is the Independent School of Political Sciences. 
At the head of this stands M. Boutmy as director, and about 
him have stood several of the most thoughtful and energetic 
men in France. Of these may be mentioned such as L^on 
Say, member of the Institute of France, senator and ex-cabinet 
minister, Leroy-Beaulieu, Roederer, Levasseur, Lyon-Caen, 
Ribot, De Foville, chief of the bureau of statistics in the 
ministry of finance, and others noted as members of the 
Institute of France, and of various important political bodies. 

Independent School of Political Sciences at Paris. 
Programme of Lectures of two years: 1887-88, 1888-89. 

1. Comparative administrative organization. 

2. Administrative affairs. 

3. Financial systems of the principal nations. 

4. Public revenues and taxation. 

5. Political economy. 

6. Statistics, foreign commerce. 

7. Constitutional law of France, England and United States. 

8. Constitutions of Germany, Austria, Belgium, Switzer- 
land and Italy. 

9. Parliamentary and legislative history of France, 1789- 
1875. 

10. Geography and Ethnography. 



485] European Schools of History and Politics, 15 

11. Diplomatic history from 1789 to our own time. 

12. Contemporary Em^ope and Oriental affairs. 

13. Diplomatic history from 1648 to 1789. 

14. Economic geography, 

15. International law. 

16. Comparative commercial and maritime law. 

17. French colonial legislation. 

18. Comparative civil legislation. 

19. Colonial geography. 

20. History of the formation of the principal states of 
Europe in the middle ages. 

21. History of relations between the Occidental States and 
the Oriental. 

22. Money and Banking. 

23.. Organization of the Central government. 
24. Finance. 

The whole of this instruction is divided into five sections. 
They are known as — 

1. Section of administration. 

2. Section of diplomacy. 

3. Section of political economy and finance. 

4. Section of colonial policy. 

5. General section, including public law and history. 

In addition to these, and connected with both, is " a course 
in modern languages/' the two on which especial stress is laid 
being German and English. 

While the purpose of this school is to prepare young men, 
in a general way, for public affairs, it has immediately in view 
preparation for certain branches of the administration under 
the French civil-service system. Each of the sections com- 
pletely prepares for one of the following departments and 
their competitive examinations : 

1. Diplomacy (ministry of foreign affairs, legations, con- 
sulates). 

2. Council of State (auditorship of second class). 

3. Administration, central and departmental (under pre- 
fectures, secretaryships of departments, councils of prefectures). 



16 European Schools of History and Politics. [486 

4. Inspection of Finances. 

6. Court of Claims. 

6. Colonial service in its various departments. 

Besides it prepares for certain high positions in commercial 
life (banks, secretaryships of companies, inspection of rail- 
ways, etc.) 

This system of instruction presupposes the average second- 
ary education, which may be considered practically equivalent 
to that given up to the end of the first year in our better col- 
leges. The regular course of instruction in these schools is 
arranged to extend through two years. 

A very interesting indication of the results obtained in this 
school is seen in the official statement regarding the success of 
its graduates in taking positions in the French administration 
under the civil-service rules. From the public competitive 
examinations, the following appointments have resulted : 

Council of State, 

1877-1887.— Of 60 candidates appointed, 48 belonged to 
this school. 

Inspection of Finances. 

1877-1887.— Of 42 candidates appointed, 39 belonged to 
this school. Since 1880 all the candidates appointed have 
been prepared by this school. 

Court of Claims, 
1879-1886.— Of 17 candidates, 16 belonged to this school. 

Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 

1886 and 1887.— Of 26 candidates appointed, 20 belonged 
to this school. 

It will be seen, then, that this school, founded with an in- 
dependent organization by a number of energetic scholars and 
political men, is already beginning to place its graduates in 



487] European Schools of History and Politics. 17 

leading positions under the French Government, and to act 
with force npon the amelioration of the French public service, 
No one will wonder at these results who has conversed with 
the professors and students. If in the lecture-room of the 
College of France, at various visits during the last quarter of 
a century, I have admired the impulse given to general polit- 
ical thinking, I have admired not less in this newly founded 
school of political science the directness with which the best 
thought is applied to the immediate needs of the nation. 
Besides this, the French Government has taken pains that 
such instruction shall be brought to bear upon men in training 
for the great industries of the country. Wolowski, distinguished 
throughout Europe as a political economist, was employed to 
give lectures upon political economy at the Conservatory of 
Arts and Trades \_Conservatoire des Arts et Metiers']. He 
was succeeded by Professor Levasseur, of the Institute, and 
rarely have I seen an audience so attentive as the body of 
workingmen which fills his lecture-room. Lectures were also 
given by M. Burat in industrial economy and statistics. 

Italy. 

In the universities of Italy, studies in political and social 
science and general jurisprudence have long been prominent. 
By the triumphs of Beccaria, Filangieri, and their successors, 
a great impulse was given to these subjects, and to this, prob- 
ably, more than to anything else, is due the skill of Italian 
political management during the trying times of the last 
twenty years. 

For a quarter of a century there had not been any striking 
increase in the number of persons engaged in teaching these 
subjects, but there has been great progress, notwithstanding. 
In a third visit recently made to several Italian universities, 
and among others to those of Naples, Pisa, Padua, and Bologna, 
I found a new scholastic atmosphere. When, over thirty 
years ago, I entered some of them for the first time, I was 
2 



18 European Schools of History and Politics. [488 

struck with the listlessness, the trifling, the dalliance with 
what may be called the mere fringes of civilization, and, as a 
consequence, with the waste of vigorous thought; but as I 
stood again in some of those lecture-rooms, in the midst of a 
crowd of young men intently listening to lectures upon history, 
political economy, and kindred subjects, I could see that Rossi, 
Settembrini, Yillari, Mancini, Pierantoni, De Gubernatis, and 
their compeers, had not labored in vain — that the country 
was aroused to the necessity of training up a body of men 
fitted to continue the work of Cavour, D'Azeglio, and Ratazzi. 
Especially valuable is the work begun and maintained under 
the direction and by the munificence of the Marquis Alfieri di 
Sostegno at Florence. His patriotism and filial love were 
combined in this school for instruction in political science 
and its influence upon his country, for good, is already felt. 
The higher instruction in Italy suffers undoubtedly from the 
scattering of resources through a multitude of universities;- 
still the provision in the best of them is by no means small. 
In the University of Rome, which may be taken as a type, we 
found the following studies : 

1. The philosophy of history. 

2. General geography, 

3. International law. 

4. Roman law. 

5. Philosophy of law. 

6. Political economy. 

7. Introduction to the study of jurisprudence. 

8. Diplomacy and the history of treaties. 

9. History of law. 

Great Britain. 

The tendency toward strengthening .this side of the higher 
education is also evident in the English universities ; perhaps 
in none is the change within the last quarter of a century more 
striking. My first visit to them was made over thirty years 



489] European Schools of History and Politics. 19 

ago. The provision at that time for instruction in political 
and social science, to say nothing of the natural sciences, was 
wretchedly inadequate. Now, although they fall far short of 
what they should be, the influence of such men as Whewell, 
Arnold, Smythe, Sir James Stephen, Gold win Smith, Charles 
Kingsley, Thorold Rogers, Montague Bernard, Harcourt, 
Jevons, Stubbs, Freeman, Seeley, Bryce, Fawcett, and their 
associates, has told for good upon the generation which is 
beginning to take hold of public affairs. 

It is true that there is not yet at the English universities at 
any one time any such extended faculty in this department as 
we find in the great institutions of France and Germany, but 
these subjects are beginning to assert themselves, and already 
concessions have been made to them by the university author- 
ities in the matter of examinations and degrees which a quarter 
of a century ago the most sanguine could not expect. 
■ Nor is this all ; the more recently founded public schools, 
or, as they might be called, preparatory colleges, are directing 
much attention to the fitting of men for the public service. 
Under the new civil-service system of the British Empire, 
such training has received a great impulse. In its whole 
development throughout the lower colleges and the universi- 
ties it is becoming more and more prominent, and the same 
tendency is clearly seen in the leading universities of Scotland. 

Having thus called attention to the main lines on which 
this department of instruction has been developed, I would 
briefly point out what seems to me a very suggestive charac- 
teristic of the instructing bodies. 

Whenever a faculty of instruction is entirely made up of 
men held aloof from the usual currents of public life, there is 
danger of doctrinairism and pedantry, if not of cynicism. But 
this European instruction in political and social science seems 
to have steadily warded off these evils. 

The cause of this will be easily found, I think, by any one 
who will study the lists of professors. In every great nation 



20 European Schools of History and Politics. [490 

of Europe it will be seen that in these faculties there is a con- 
siderable number of professors who, while carrying on their 
university duties, take an active part in public affairs. Pro- 
fessor Fawcett, of Cambridge, was a most energetic member of 
the British Parliament; Professor Montague Bernard, of 
Oxford, was hardly less energetic in the diplomatic service ; 
Professor Vernon Harcourt, of Cambridge, has shown him- 
self a statesman in the parliament and in the cabinet; Pro- 
fessor Gold win Smith, formerly of Oxford, has exercised a 
constant influence as a debater and writer in centers of polit- 
ical activity. Professor Bryce is a member of Parliament 
and has held an important Under-Secretaryship. 

In France, among professors now in service, in addition to 
others already mentioned, such men as Flourens, Dunoyer, 
Foville, Machart, Colmet, Vergniaud, and many others, have 
been actively engaged in various important departments of 
the public service. 

In Germany, we may name out of a multitude who, as 
active men of affairs, have brought into the lecture room new 
currents of thought from the world outside, such men as 
Heffter, Gneist, Bluntschli, Knies, Roscher, Wagner, Hoist, 
Oncken, and many others. 

In Italy, the active interchange between professorial and 
public life is even more striking; every new ministerial cabi- 
net shows a strong representation from the great instructing 
bodies, and we constantly see leading men speaking, during 
one part of the year, from their seats as senators and deputies, 
and during another part from their professorial chairs at the 
various universities. 

By this rapid summary, from which I have attempted to 
exclude confusing details as much as possible, it will be seen 
that the leading nations of Europe, republics as well as mon- 
archies, have committed themselves fully to the idea that the 
service of the state requires a large body of men carefully and 
thoroughly trained ; that in consequence a system of higher 
instruction has been adopted to meet the needs of those nations 



491] European Schools of History and Politics, 21 

in this respect, and that the higher instruction has been kept 
in the current of the national Hfe. 



Application of European experience to ourselves, 

I now turn to the practical application of this European 
experience and the modification of European methods with 
reference to the development of a system of instruction directly 
bearing upon public life in our own country. 

The demand of this nation for men trained in history, 
political and social science, and general jurisprudence, can 
hardly be overstated. 

In the United States we have, first of all, the national 
Congress, composed of two bodies, each called upon to discuss 
and decide the most important political questions, and to some 
extent the most important social questions. They thus discuss 
and decide for a nation, to-day of sixty millions of people, 
and which many now living will see numbering a hundred 
millions. !N!or is it alone the appalling element of numbers 
which strikes the thoughtful citizen. Time stretches before 
us in a way even more appalling ; foundations are now laying 
for centuries ; what is done now is to tell for good or evil 
upon a long line of generations. 

Nor is this all ; the nations of the earth may be divided 
into active and passive. Active nations are those which are 
to work out the development of the world by thought and 
by act, by the speech and the book, by the missionary and 
the soldier, by the machine and the process — nay, by mere 
bales and boxes; passive nations are those which are to be 
acted upon, and often in ways more or less brutal. For good 
or evil, ours is to be among the active nations ; its influence 
is to be felt not only upcm the hundred millions of its own 
citizens, but upon the still greater number of the human race 
outside its boundaries. 

Besides the Congress of the United States, we have nearly 
forty State legislatures, each composed of two houses, and 



22 European Schools of History and Politics. [492 

besides these, county boards, town boards, and municipal 
councils innumerable. 

There are also executive officers corresponding to these 
legislative assemblies, and all these, whether entrusted with. 
executive or legislative functions, are called upon to think 
out and work out these problems, probably for the greater 
part of the human race. 

Besides these regularly constituted bodies, there are, from 
time to time, constitutional conventions in the various States, 
fixing the basis of legislation ; these exercise an influence 
exceedingly far reaching, for they discuss political and social 
questions with especial reference to the past experience and 
future needs of the country ; they fix the grooves, they lay the 
track in which political and social development will largely 
run. 

Not less important are certain other bodies, having a more 
profound influence on real legislation than men usually sus- 
pect ; despite the theoretical separation of powers in our gov- 
ernment, the judicial body, throughout this land, is, in a certain 
sense, a legislative body ; judge-made law is felt throughout 
our system and always will be felt; the judiciary of this 
country, from the honored bench sitting at the Capitol to the 
multitude of State courts of every grade, has an influence far 
outreaching the settlement of transient questions in accordance 
with recognized legal principles ; for good or evil, their ideas 
of public policy are knit into the whole political and social 
fabric of the future. The relations of capital to labor, the 
connection of production with distribution, education, taxation, 
general, municipal, and international law, pauperism, crime, 
insanity, all are constantly coming before these bodies ; poli- 
cies are fixed, institutions created, laws made with reference 
to all these questions — policies, institutions, laws, in which lie 
the germs of glory or anarchy, of growth or revolution. 

More important in some respects than the demand for better 
political training, among those destined for the public bodies, 
is the demand by the press. Even those of us who had best 



493] European Schools of History and Politics, 23 

realized the immense grasp which the newspaper press has 
upon modern civilization, were amazed, during the Expositions 
at Philadelphia, Paris, and Kew^ Orleans, at the revelations of 
the extent to which newspaper publishing is now carried. 

When it is considered that at each of these myriad presses 
a knot of men is teaching large bodies of citizens, especially 
as to their rights and duties in society, and advising them on 
the most important political and social questions, it will be 
seen that here is an enormous demand for men trained in the 
subjects already referred to. 

That there is not sufficient training of this kind at present 
is lamented by none more than by the leading editors of our 
greater journals ; it has passed into a proverb among them, 
that it is easier to obtain a score of men with striking ability 
as versifiers, novelists, critics, and humorists, than one man 
who can write brief, pithy, comprehensive articles on living 
questions. 

The pulpit too, honored as it is throughout our land, and 
pledged to every form of humane work, is acknowledged by 
those who most adorn it to need greatly this same instruction. 
The charities of our cities are dispensed largely through 
church organizations, and those who have attended meetings 
of the Social Science Association of the United States will 
remember the lament of one of the most honored divines of 
the American pulpit at the mistakes made in these charities, 
and in other dealings with pressing social questions in which 
the clergy are greatly interested. 

That there is a constant danger of error in the present is 
shown by the experience of the past. 

There is no nation in the world to-day which is not suffer- 
ing from the mistakes of law-makers on all these questions ; 
no thoughtful student in social science is ignorant that educa- 
tion has been crippled by ill-studied institutions ; that pauper- 
ism has been increased by the very legislation intended to 
alleviate it ; that up to a recent period insanity was aggravated, 
and even made incurable, by the usual system of public pro- 



24 European Schools of History and Politics. [494 

vision ; that ill-advised sjstems of warding off popular distress 
— systems embodying what is called "good common-sense" — 
have again and again brought great populations to the verge 
of starvation, and sometimes to the reality of it; and that 
down to a period within the memory of men now living, crime 
was rendered more virulent by the repressive system of every 
civilized country. 

In the midst of this necessity for thought and care, how 
stands it with our own legislation ? It was recently remarked 
by one of the most able and devoted men who ever left a for- 
eign country to do noble work in this, that it saddened him to 
see many of the same lines of policy adopted in America that 
had brought misery upon Europe ; to see the same errors in 
the foundation of these new states which have brought such 
waste and disaster and sorrow in those old states. 

No one who knows anything of our legislation can deny 
that serious mistakes are constantly made, and often with the 
best intentions. Of course I do not pretend that there are not 
many excellent public servants who obtain their knowledge 
of political and social questions in later life; nor do I claim 
at all that none but men educated in these questions should 
enter public life ; nor do I deny the great service of many 
men who have received no such training — recent events have 
revealed many such ; but more and more, as civilization 
advances, social and political questions become complex ; more 
and more the men who are to take part in public affairs need 
to be trained in the best political thinking of the world hith- 
erto, need to know the most important experiences of the 
world, need to be thus prepared by observation and thought 
to decide between old solutions of state problems or to work 
out new solutions. 

It will hardly be denied that the want of such knowledge 
and such training is seriously felt in all parts of the country. 
In various constituted bodies, theories have been proposed 
which were long ago extinguished in blood ; plans solemnly 
considered which have led, without exception, wherever tried, 



495] European Schools of History and Politics. 25 

to ruin, moral and financial; systems adopted which have 
been sometimes the tragedies, sometimes the farces upon the 
stage of human affairs. 

All this, too, not mainly by knaves or fools, but often by 
men of vigorous minds, of considerable reading, of what is 
called good common sense. 

As to State legislation, we note a prodigious amount of 
waste and error in dealing with political and social questions. 
Institutions for the poor, the insane, the inebriates, the crimi- 
nals, are constantly created at vast expense, yet often so placed 
and built and organized as to thwart their highest purposes. 
Laws for the repression of crime are often discussed with an 
utterly inadequate knowledge of principles, that in some other 
lands have been carefully settled ; in questions of taxation, 
the settled experience and simplest reasonings and conclusions 
of thoughtful men in various nations often pass for nothing, 
and a spirit of anarchy results, only equaled by that of France 
just before the revolution of 1789; as regards pauperism, 
means are often taken similar to those which in England, over 
300 years ago, began the creation of a permanently pauperized 
class ; in dealing with education, codes are made and millions 
voted with no thorough discussion, and the relations of educa- 
tion to industry, the problem now occupying every other great 
nation of the earth, argued with far less care than the location 
of a canal bridge. 

In county, town, and municipal bodies the same thing is 
hardly less glaring; almost every municipal abuse which 
Arthur Young found in France under Louis XVL, and which 
May found in England under George III., seems to find its 
counterpart somewhere in our own land and time. In one of 
the most enlightened counties of one of our most enlightened 
States, a body of excellent reputation and sound common sense 
has, at large expense, for years and years, kept up an institu- 
tion, not merely for the punishment of old criminals, but for 
the development of new criminals; it has resisted, and is 
steadily resisting to-day, any movement to prevent the insti- 



26 European Schools of History and Politics. [496 

tution being what it has long been — a criminal high school, 
taking large numbers of novices and graduating them masters 
of criminal arts. And such institutions are to be found prob- 
ably in every State in the Union. 

This is not on account of want of integrity or capacity in 
the body concerned ; it is composed of men who manage their 
own affairs honestly and prudently ; but there is probably not 
one among them who has ever seen any discussion of the best 
modes of dealing with crime in civilized nations. 

But let us leave the various constituted bodies and go among 
the people at large. In a republic like ours, the people are 
called on at the last to decide upon all fundamental questions ; 
on their decision rest the strength, the progress, nay, in many 
cases, the existence of the republic. 

To any such proper discussion and adjustment of political 
and social questions by the people there are two conditions : 
first, there must be education of the mass of the citizens, at 
least up to a point where they can grasp simple political ques- 
tions; that is, up to the ability to read, to concentrate and 
exercise their reasoning powers on simple problems, and to 
know something of their own country and its relations to the 
world about it. 

Such an education is given in the public schools of our 
country; with such a basis, the first great element in the 
safety of the nation is reasonably secure. I am convinced that 
such an educated democracy is the best of all bodies to which 
general public questions can be submitted, and for this belief 
there is high authority where we might little expect it : the 
recent utterances of leading statesmen and thinkers in England 
regarding the submission of questions of fundamental policy 
to a fairly educated people, as compared with the submission 
of such questions simply to the most highly educated classes, 
are very striking ; the most thoughtful contemporary English 
statesman has declared that the judgment of the mass of the 
English voters on the leading political and social questions of 
the past fifty years has been far more just than that of the 



497] European Schools of History and Politics. 27 

most highly educated classes^ and he brings to the support of 
this statement historical arguments which cannot be gainsaid.^ 

As to this first condition, the general education of the people, 
we have made in most of our States large provision. I do not 
contend that our primary education is perfect ; its imperfec- 
tions are evident, but the people are awake to its importance, 
and show on all sides a desire to continue it ; of course, dem- 
agogues here and there, seek to gain bits of special favor by 
attempting to undermine the system, but their tendencies are 
well known, and are steadily becoming better known. 

The second condition of the proper maintenance of the 
republic, is suitable instruction for the natural leaders rising 
from the mass. The rise of such leaders is inevitable ; they 
are sure to appear in every sphere of political and social activ- 
ity ; they come from all classes, but mainly from the energetic, 
less-wealthy classes, from the classes disciplined to vigor and 
self-denial by poverty. 

These are to influence the country in all executive, legisla- 
tive and judicial positions ; they are to act in the forum and 
through the press ; nay, perhaps more strongly still, by stimu- 
latino- that imitation which a recent writer has shown to be 
one of the most powerful factors in the development of nations 
to higher political and social life.^ 

For the development of these with reference to this leader- 
ship, for the training of their powers of observation and 
reasoning, for the giving of that historical knowledge of past 
failures which is the best guarantee for future success, there is 
at present in our higher education in the United States no 
adequate provision. The educational exhibits at the Exposi- 
tions at Philadelphia, Paris, and 'New Orleans show that 
here and there, in a few of our higher institutions, beginnings 
have been made, and good beginnings; but such institutions are 
few ; in most of them political economy is not taught save by 



' See the articles of Mr. Gladstone in " The Nineteenth Century," 1877-78. 
^ See Walter Bagehot, " Physics and Politics." 



28 European Schools of History and Politics. [498 

a short course of recitations from a text-book ; in very few of 
them is there the slightest instruction, worthy of the name, in 
history — the very department which, in the European univer- 
sities, is made to give a basis and a method for studies in 
political and social science. 

The results of this defect in our higher education are con- 
stantly before us ; among these natural leaders in our country, 
whether in the public assemblies or the press, there is certainly 
no lack of talent, and even genius ; among the most striking 
characteristics of the country, as noticed by unprejudiced for- 
eigners, is the great number of men of ability in every direc- 
tion, and the power with which they are able to present their 
ideas to their fellow-citizens. But how is this power exer- 
cised ? With few exceptions, the presentation of political and 
social questions at public meetings is even less satisfactory 
than in our representative bodies ; the speakers generally have 
ability, but rarely have they studied the main questions in- 
volved ; what they know has been mainly gathered here and 
there at hap-hazard, from this magazine and that newspaper ; 
the result is natural ; instead of real argument, too often 
invective ; instead of illustration, buifoonery ; instead of any 
adequate examination of the history involved, personal defa- 
mation ; instead of investigation of social questions, appeals to 
prejudice. 

It may be said that the cause of this lies in the natural 
tendency of democracy from the days of Cleon before the 
Athenian Assembly, to the gyrations of sundry politicians 
before certain American assemblies. This theory is easy and 
convenient, but any one much accustomed to public meetings 
in our country can see many reasons for disbelieving it ; an 
American assembly enjoys wit and humor keenly ; but there 
is one thing that it enjoys more, and that is the vigorous, 
thorough discussion of pressing political or social questions. 
The history of the past few years gives striking examples 
of this ; not long since several statesmen of very different 
views, but powerful and thoughtful, went before large pub- 



499] European Schools of History and Politics. 29 

lie meetings lamenting the fact that the questions discussed 
were questions of finance — the very dryest in political science ; 
and yet those large audiences were held firmly from first to 
last by their interest in vigorous argument. 

I am convinced that the difficulty is not in the want of 
popular appreciation of close argument, but rather in the 
frequent want among political leaders of adequate training 
for discussion. 

The question now arises what this training in political and 
social science should be. 

I answer first, that there should be close study of the polit- 
ical and social history of those peoples which have had the 
most important experience, and especially of our own ; thus 
alone can the experience of the past be brought to bear upon 
the needs of the present; thus alone can we know the real 
defeats and triumphs of the past, so that we may avoid such 
defeats and secure such triumphs in the future. 

In the next place, I w^ould urge the teaching of political 
economy in its largest sense, not the mere dogmas of this or 
that school, but rather the comparative study of the general 
principles of the science as laid down by leading thinkers of 
various schools ; and to this end, I would urge, the historical 
study of the science in its development, and in its progressive 
adaptation to the circumstances of various nations. Under 
this would come questions relating to national and State 
policy, industrial, commercial, financial, educational, to the 
relations of capital to labor, and producers to distributors, to 
taxation, and a multitude of similar objects. 

Next, I would name the study of what is generally classed 
as social science, including what pertains to the causes, pre- 
vention, alleviation, and cure of pauperism, insanity, crime, 
and various social difficulties. Nor would I neglect the study 
of the most noted theories and plans for the amelioration of 
society, the arguments in their support, the causes of their 
failure ; and I would also have careful investigation into the 
relations of various bodies and classes which now apparently 



30 JEuropean Schools of History and Politics, [500 

threaten each other. I would, for example, have the student 
examine the reasons why the communistic solution of the labor 
question has failed, and why the co-operative solution has 
succeeded. 

As another subject of great importance, I would name the 
general principles of jurisprudence, and especially those prin- 
ciples which are more and more making their way in modern 
civilized nations. The advantage of this is evident; apart 
from the practical uses of such a study, who does not con- 
stantly feel in our general legislation too much of the attorney 
and too little of the jurist? 

And in the study of general jurisprudence, I would urge the 
comparative and historical method. No country in the world 
affords so fine a field for such a method as our own. In all 
our States, political experiments are making ; in all our legis- 
latures, active-minded men are applying their solutions to the 
problems presented. The study of the comparative legislation 
of our own States, if supplemented by the study of the general 
legislation of other countries, could not fail to be of vast use 
in the improvement of society. 

I would also have instruction given in the general princi- 
ples of international law. In the development of this science 
lies much of happiness for the future of the world ; but there 
is an important practical interest. Though the injunction of 
the Father of his Country to avoid entangling alliances has 
sunk deep into the American mind, there can be no doubt 
that before our country shall have attained a hundred millions 
of inhabitants, our diplomatic relations with other countries 
will require much more serious thought than now. It is not 
too soon to have this in view. 

Happily, on all these subjects, and especially within the 
present century, a vast mass of precious experience and thought 
have been developed ; many of the strongest men of the cen- 
tury have given their efforts to this ; when Buckle says that 
Adam Smith, in his book, rendered to the world the greatest 
services that any one man has ever thus rendered, whether we 



501] European Schools of History and Politics. 31 

agree with him or not as to the claim of his hero, we can 
hardly disagree as to the importance of the subject. There is 
something inspiring in this succession of great thinkers in 
these departments who have as their object the amelioration 
of society. Even to take the most recent of them, a line 
beginning with Adam Smith and continuing in our day with 
such men as Sismondi, Say, Stuart Mill, Roscher, Lieber, 
Woolsey, Carey, and Wells, can hardly fail to afford matter 
for study and thought. 

In the thinking of such men, in the practice of the world 
as influenced by them, there is much to be learned ; and if our 
country is to move forward with steadiness, or, indeed, if it is 
to lead in any particular direction, its statesmen must be more 
and more grounded in this thinking and practice. 

Something should also be done in what is known in the 
European universities as ^'the science of administration" and 
"administrative law.'' The comparative study of statistics 
would come in here as a most important element. There is 
probably no legislator in the la.nd — there is certainly no earnest 
student — who would not be greatly profited by a course of 
lectures based upon the tabulated statements, the graphic rep- 
resentations, and the maps of the last census report, so ably 
superintended by Professor Walker. 

The question now arises as to the possibility of establishing 
a better provision for this advanced instruction. I fully 
believe that circumstances are most propitious, and for the 
following reasons : 

First. The tendencies of large numbers of active-minded 
young men favor it. No observing professor in any college 
has failed to note the love of young Americans for the study 
and discussion of political questions ; it constantly happens 
that students who evade ordinary scholastic duties, will labor 
hard to prepare themselves for such a discussion. So strong 
is this tendency that college authorities have often taken 
measures to check it ; these measures have to a certain extent 
succeeded, yet I cannot but think that it is far better to direct 



32 European Schools of History and Politics. [502 

such discussions than to check them. They seem to be a 
healthy outgrowth of our political life. Better, it seems to 
me, to send out one well-trained young man, sturdy in the 
town meeting, patriotic in the caucus, vigorous in the legisla- 
ture, than a hundred of the gorgeous and gifted young cynics 
who lounge about city clubs, talk about " art " and '^ culture," 
and wonder why the country persists in going to the bad. 

The second thing which augurs well for the promised re- 
form, is the adaptability to it of our present university methods. 
Not many years since, it would have been almost impossible 
to make any adequate provision for these studies. Even in 
our foremost universities, the old collegiate system was domi- 
nant ; each college had its single simple course, embracing a 
little Latin, Greek, and Mathematics, with a smattering of 
what were known as the physical, intellectual, and moral 
sciences. 

At present the tendency is more and more toward university 
methods, toward the presentation of various courses, toward 
giving the student more freedom of choice among these. 
When carefully carried out, this has been found to yield 
admirable results; and the fact is now established that large 
numbers of young men, who under the old system confined 
rigidly to a single stereotyped course, w^ould have wasted the 
greater part of their time, would have injured the quality of 
their minds by droning over their books, and injured their 
morals by slighting their duties, have become, when allowed 
to take courses more fitted to their tastes and aims, energetic 
students. The same reasons which have caused the creation 
of courses in our large universities, in which the principal 
studies are in the direction of philosophy, science, and modern 
literature, are valid for the creation of a course in which the 
studies shall relate to that science and literature most directly 
bearing upon public life. 

I come now to the methods of such instruction, and would 
preface them by saying that, as regards our system of instruc- 
tion at large in the public schools, it seems to me that more 



503] European Schools of History and Politics, 33 

instruction should be given in general history, especially 
through political biography and in the history of our own 
country, as well as some training in the outlines of elements 
of political science ; but on this I will not dwell. We are 
chiefly concerned now with the methods of this reform in 
advanced instruction in the higher preparation of those who 
are to instruct and lead in political and social matters. 

Of these methods, I would name, first, a post-graduate 
course. In this there is one considerable advantage : students 
would come to it at ripe age and with considerable prelimi- 
nary instruction. This advantage I do not underrate. No 
better use of funds could be made for our universities, or for 
the country, than in endowing post-graduate lectureships and 
fellowships in the main subjects involved. I would urge this 
method upon every man of wealth who wishes to leave a fame 
that will not rot with his body. 

But valuable as this plan is, it has one great disadvantage — 
it is insufficient. The number of those Avho could afford the 
time and expense for such a course after an extended school 
and college and university training, and before a course of 
professional study, is comparatively small ; besides this, we 
must take into account American impatience. 

While, then, the plan of post-graduate courses would doubt- 
less result in great good, it would fall far short of the work 
required. It would doubtless provide many valuable leaders 
in thought, but not enough to exercise the wide influence 
needed in such a nation as ours. 

The second method, then, which I propose is the establish- 
ment in each of our most important colleges and universities 
of a full undergraduate course, which, w^hile including studies 
in science and literature for general culture and discipline, 
shall have as its main subjects history, political and social 
science, and general jurisprudence. 

A great advantage of this plan is the large number of stu- 
dents who would certainly profit by it. 

I am convinced, by observation in four different colleges 
3 



34 European Schools of History and Politics. [504 

and universities with which I have been connected as student 
and professor in our own country, and in several with which 
I have had more or less to do in foreign countries, that such a 
course, in any institution properly equipped, will attract large 
numbers of our most energetic young men, many of whom 
would not otherwise enter college at all ; and that it would 
give forth a large body of graduates whose influence would be 
felt for good in all our States and Territories. 

My proposal is that these studies, which are now mainly 
crowded into a few last months of the usual college course, be 
made the staple of an entire four years' course ; that they be 
made a means of discipline, a means of culture, a means for 
the acquisition of profitable knowledge. 

Objections will of course be urged ; there will probably be 
none from any quarter against a post-graduate course ; they 
will be entirely against the establishment of a full under- 
graduate course. 

The first objection will doubtless be an appeal to conserva- 
tism. This must be expected from a multitude of excellent 
men, who generally look backward instead of forward ; who 
think the past was on the whole good enough ; who dislike 
change ; who, when they have become accustomed to a system 
and fitted to it, instinctively dislike a new system, to which 
they may possibly find themselves not so well fitted. Their 
standing argument will be that the men who have achieved 
high political knowledge in spite of the present system, have 
done so by means of it. 

A second and more precise objection will be on the score 
of discipline. Perhaps no word has been so unfortunate in 
American instruction as this ; it has been made the fortress of 
every educational absurdity. In this particular case, we may 
ask why are not studies of political and social questions fully 
equal to any others in giving discipline? They call out our 
intellectual powers in discussing problems of the deepest 
human import ; they bring into play our higher moral powers 
in judging between plans of institutions and lines of conduct 
on the plane of right and duty. 



505] European Schools of History and FoUtics. 35 

I claim for the studies in the course proposed an especial 
value in discipline. Any worthy discussion in political econ- 
omy and social science gives valuable discipline for concen- 
tration and directness of mind ; any proper discussion in 
history gives a discipline for breadth of mind ; and these two 
sorts of discipline are fully equal to any given in any other 
courses of instruction. 

It may also be objected, by men devoted to the physical 
sciences, that the powers of observation should be trained. 
In answer to this, it is sufficient to point out many men who 
in political studies have gained as great quickness in observa- 
tion as can be found in any class of scientific men. It is hard 
to see that the observing powers of Montesquieu and John 
Stuart Mill and Francis Lieber were not as highly trained as 
those of Cuvier and Huxley and Agassiz. 

The next objection will probably be on the score of culture. 
In this objection I see no force, because it is perfectly possible 
to bring studies for culture into the course proposed ; nay, it 
is indispensable to bring in studies of at least one or two lan- 
guages of the great modern states or their masterpieces in 
literature and art ; while as to that culture which comes from 
a knowledge of nature it will not be difficult to give good 
instruction in scientific methods and results. 

Again, it may be urged that young men are not mature 
enough and not sufficiently instructed to take up such studies 
on entering college. I answer, that it is not proposed to 
admit young men to these courses without reasonable prepa- 
ration, nor is it proposed during the first year of such a course 
to plunge the student into the most difficult parts of it. He 
will be brought to these gradually by preliminary studies,. 
properly combined with the subjects having as their aim gen- 
eral discipline and culture. The same objection could be 
made with equal force against any scientific course or any 
course in philosophy. 

But granting that the objection has some force, the question 
is not what is ideally the best course, it is simply what is the 



36 European Schools of History and Politics. [506 

best course possible ; and experience shows that only under- 
graduate courses of the sort proposed will give any great 
number of the well-trained men we require. Against these 
objections should be constantly kept in view the main advan- 
tage, which is, the large number of students who would cer- 
tainly take such a course. 

But objections will be made on more general grounds. 

The first may be called the optimist objection, that the 
people can be intrusted to enlighten themselves, that they are 
directly interested, and that self-interest is a most powerful 
stimulus ; that the world has improved steadily, and will con- 
tinue to do so. This is partly true. No one can deny that 
self-interest is a most powerful stimulus ; but the point is to 
give ijaore of that education which shall enable men to find 
out where their real self-interest is. 

As to the fact that the world has improved steadily, I do 
not deny it, but simply observe that it is a question of cost ; 
for few realize what a fearful price has been paid hitherto 
for the simplest advances in political and social science when 
achieved by the gradual growth of the popular mind. Take 
a few examples out of many. 

Before England could learn what are to-day the simplest 
things in the proper adjustment of legislative and executive 
powers, the nation was dragged through a fearful civil war 
and through a long period of consequent demoralization : 
one king losing his head and another his crown. Before 
France, in the 17th century, could understand the simplest 
relations between her industrial policy and that of neigh- 
boring states ; before she could realize that workmen on 
one side of a frontier are not necessarily the enemies of those 
on the other side, but rather helpers and co-workers, she 
was dragged through a series of wars which brought her 
to utter ruin ; before, in the 18th century, she could learn 
what are now the axioms of political science applied to taxa- 
tion, she had to go through a period of revolution, a period 
of anarchy, two periods of bankruptcy, two periods of des- 



507] European Schools of History and Politics. 37 

potism, with endless shedding of blood upon scaffolds and 
battle-fields and street-pavements. Before the world learned 
to accept the simplest modern axioms of toleration at the 
treaties of Passau and Westphalia, rivers of blood flowed 
through every great nation in Europe. Before the Prus- 
sian State could learn to allow political thinkers like Stein 
to work out the problem of her adjustment to modern 
ideas, she had to be crushed in battle, humbled in the dust 
by diplomacy, and to go through ten years of waste and 
war. Before the Austrian Empire could learn the principal 
relations of education to public policy, several generations 
had to be taught by military humiliations, and, among these 
Austerlitz, Magenta, and Sadowa. Before Italy could work 
out the problem of political unity, there came three hundred 
years of internal suffering; and possibly the future historian 
may point to a case hardly less striking on this side the 
Atlantic. Is it at least not worth an heroic effort to substi- 
tute a thorough education, reaching many of those who are to 
lead in public affairs, and so reaching the people themselves — 
an education in the observation of human experience and in 
reasoning upon it — in the hope that we may hereafter make 
progress at something less than the fearful price which the 
world has heretofore paid ? 

I confess that I am sanguine enough to hope that with 
more complete extension of political and social knowledge, 
with some training for better discussion of important political 
acd social problems, the world may in the future begin to 
advance without paying the appalling cost for progress which 
she has paid and is still paying; but to bring this about, 
there must be effort ; problems are arising at this moment 
before us as fearful as any that have ever disappeared behind 
us ; the question between capital and labor alone is enough to 
exercise our best thought ; it can easily give rise to scenes as 
fearful as any in human history. The question is whether 
such problems shall be solved by observant, patient, well- 
trained men, looking over large fields of human experience, 



38 JEuropean Schools of History and Politics. [508 

applying to them the best human thought, or whether they 
shall be dealt with by declamation, passion, demagogism, 
trickery, nay, with the torch, the rifle, and the gallows. 

Next comes the pessimist argument ; it will be said " the 
greatest factor in republican development is personal force ; 
the people will elect men of will-power, they will not elect 
your men of study and thought.'^ 

My answer is, first, that the effort in our proposed course 
is to lay hold on some of these men of personal force and 
will power, to bring them into the harness of real statesman- 
ship rather than to leave them tethered by crotchets and 
half-truths. 

But suppose all our men of study and thought are not 
elected, official positions are not the only means of influence ; 
pen and tongue are often most powerful outside of official 
positions. 

What we want is training for public service among men of 
various sorts of power ; some in office, some in the press, some 
in the pulpit, some in the ordinary vocations of life. 

In all these, we need men so trained that when a new 
question comes up, not only law-makers, but citizens in gen- 
eral, may be put in the way of right reasoning upon it ; espe- 
cially in times of excitement, or doubt, or distrust, do we need 
such men to lead the thinking of the community against 
political zealots or social desperadoes. 

The time is surely coming, predicted in Macaulay's letter 
to Henry Eandall — the time when disheartened populations 
will hear brilliant preaching subversive of the whole system 
of social order. 

How shall this be met ? Shall it be met by force ? How 
by force where all is decided by majorities ? Shall it be met 
by denunciation ? Hardly ; two can play at that, and while 
one side has the disadvantage of property to be destroyed, the 
other has the advantage of torches with which to destroy it. 
Shall it be met by revolution? As Danton said, " The revo- 
lution, like Saturn, destroys its own offspring.'' Shall it be 



509] European Schools of History and Politics. 39 

met by Csesarism ? The first thing that Csesar always does is 
to distribute bread and pageants to the mob, and rob the 
people to pay for them. 

All these methods history shows to be futile ; the only safe- 
guard is in thorough provision for a regular, healthful, polit- 
ical development by the checking of popular unreason, and 
by the spreading of right reason ; we must provide that when 
a brilliant lie is put forth, it shall be struck quickly and 
mortally, and before its venom has pervaded the social 
organism. 

To do this we need men trained to grapple with political 
questions in every part of society. Shall we flatter ourselves 
that such gladiators in subversive thought as Proudhon, Carl 
Marx, Ferdinand Lasalle, and Bradlaugh can be met with 
platitudes? In the coming grapple with their apostles we 
shall find need of our best trained athletes. Can we trust to 
the subdivision of land in our country and the large number 
of small proprietors ? So has it been in France for eighty 
years, and yet she has not escaped. 

What we need is not talk, but discussion. Within the past 
few years we have seen the uses of such discussion ; many of 
us have seen political and social heresies, some wild, some 
contemptible, put forth with force, wdth brilliancy, even at 
times with sincerity ; in some quarters they have swept all 
before them ; but wherever they have been met vigorously by 
men trained to grapple with them, they have been throttled, 
and the tide running in their favor has generally been turned. 

If it be said that this has not constantly been the case, my 
reply is, that under our present system, we have no right to 
expect it ; we cannot expect two or three men to breast the 
tide in a State containing millions of inhabitants, w^hen such 
mistaken views are spreading like wild-fire; and yet, what 
has been done in some of our States by two or three men of 
force and thought, shows that if a small percentage of our 
college graduates had been as thoroughly instructed as these 
two or three, these heresies would have been met at the outset, 
and Avould never have attained dangerous proportions. 



40 European Schools of History and Politics. [510 

It may be objected that such a system of instruction would 
give us doctrinaires. Those who make this objection misread 
history ; doctrinaires are created where theoretical politics are 
divorced from vigorous political life, where practical training 
and theoretical training are not at the same time present to 
modify each other. The French doctrinaires arose at a time 
when there was political discussion among a small knot of 
scholars, but no practical political life in the nation at large ; 
the same thing was true until recently in Germany, and it has 
been true in Italy from the days of Machiavelli to the days 
of Cavour ; it is true to-day in Russia ; hence Nihilism, with 
all its miseries; but we look in vain for any perceptible influ- 
ence of doctrinairism in England ; there, political theory has 
never run away with leaders ; it has been constantly modified 
by political practice. Edmund Burke was a close student of 
principles and theories, but who that has read his speech on 
American conciliation does not see that he justly claims to be 
a more practical statesman than any of his compeers, who 
trusted merely to instinct and what is called sound sense? 
Had Thomas Jefferson remained in France, he would doubt- 
less have been a doctrinaire; as it was, we have in him a 
wonderful union of theoretical and practical training — Rous- 
seau modified by the Virginia house of burgesses. The 
strength of the great men who gave this Republic its political 
foundation lay in the fact that no practical men ever studied 
theory and principles more thoroughly than they ; Jefferson, 
Hamilton, John Adams, Jay, were close students of political 
principles and political history; Franklin and Washington, 
acute students of contemporary political history. 

Besides this, the doctrinaires are by no means all on the 
theoretical side; there are not a few on the practical side. 
Our American life furnishes constant examples of this doc- 
trinairism of practical men, quite as absurd as anything put 
forth by men of theory. 

Moreover, in the system of instruction proposed, I would 
take effective means of preventing pedantry and doctrinairisui 



511] European Schools of History and Politics. 41 

by bringing in a constant circulation of healthful political 
thought from the outside. Much instruction should be given 
by lecturers holding their positions for short terms; these 
lecturers should be chosen, so far as possible, from men who 
take part in public life or business affairs practically, while 
not giving up the study of principles. The example cited in 
the first part of this report from European institutions will 
show that this plan is by no means impracticable. 

Such will doubtless be the main objections to the plan pro- 
posed ; they have been made in opposition to the same system 
in other countries, but the result has refuted them. As to the 
influence of a better system on this country, we should doubt- 
less find it exercised first through the press. For the past ten 
years there has been a striking tendency observable among 
our most active young men toward the profession of journal- 
ism. The difference of feeling regarding such a career 
between the great body of students to-day and those of 
twenty years since is one of the curious things in the history 
of thought in this country. 

The press would doubtless reveal the influence of this new 
education in quick, compact, thorough discussion of important 
subjects ; it is not too much to hope that there would be much 
less declamation, defamation, and sensation writing, and much 
more vigorous reasoning. 

We should doubtless next see this influence in the lower 
strata of public life. The young man who, on arriving from 
college and from his professional course, could supply really 
valuable information and make a straightforward argument 
upon living political and social questions in his town-meeting 
or board of supervisors, would take the first step in an honor- 
able career. The character of our people is especially favor- 
able to this ; no people in the world so quickly recognize a 
man who can stimulate valuable thought ; no country is so 
open to the influence of facts cogently presented. Even if 
men thus trained arrive sometimes at wrong conclusions, as 
doubtless they would, the habit of discussing questions with a 



42 European Schools of History and Politics. [512 

more thorough knowledge and with closer reasoning could not 
fail to be of vast use ; it would be found that political science, 
like other sciences, may be made to progress almost as much 
by mistaken reasoning, if it only be real, as by correct reason- 
ing. Quesnay, Turgot, and the French physiocrats, by their 
errors as well as by their truths, stimulated Adam Smith, 
Ricardo, John Stuart Mill, and the English economists, and 
these in their turn, by their half truths as well as truths, stim- 
ulated List, Carey, Roscher, Wells, and the German and the 
American economists ; the only thing that permanently hin- 
ders the growth of any science is dogmatism — the substitution 
of inherited opinions for thought, of accustomed inferences for 
real observation. Real thinking, however wrong some of its 
conclusions may have been temporarily, has always helped 
mankind in the long run. 

Next, we should doubtless see the influence of such courses 
of instruction upon the legislative bodies of all grades; even 
our strong untutored men — men who rise by virtue of rough, 
uncultured native force and will-power — w^ould feel strongly 
the influence of this instruction, even though they never came 
under it directly ; better observations, better modes of think- 
ing, better ideas would become common property ; they would 
become an element in the political atmosphere, and the rude 
statesman of the future could not but feel its influence ; thereby 
would he be stimulated to think more and orate less. 

Nor should we forget the influence of such instruction upon 
the universities themselves ; it would make them far greater 
powers in the formation of public opinion, therefore of far 
greater importance in public estimation. The present state of 
things is certainly not very encouraging to university oflicers ; 
they know too well that their graduates have not taken that 
place in the conduct of public affairs which their education 
would seem to warrant; young men who have received so 
much greater advantages than others should, one would think, 
exercise much greater influence. 

Unfortunately, statistics carefully collected show that the 



513] Em^opean Schools of History and Politics. 43 

relative number of college graduates in the executive and 
legislative positions of the country has been diminishing for 
many years. The main reason for this, is probably, that the 
majority of college students, under the present system, while 
obtaining their education, have been separated from the cur- 
rent of practical politics, and have not secured, to compensate 
for this separation, any education in theoretical politics; 
during four years in college, as well as four or five years' 
preparation for college, they have been studying matters often 
useful for culture, often important for discipline; but all 
this, so far as public influence is concerned, leaves them fre- 
quently at the first public meeting they attend, or the first 
public body in which they sit, inferior to many who have 
never enjoyed their advantages. 

We have heard much of our educated men keeping aloof 
from politics ; the examples of the older nations would lead 
us to believe that were scholarly young men trained steadily 
in political questions from the outset, they would enter public 
life at such an advantage that this charge would be brought 
to naught. 

The good results of such courses as are now proposed would 
doubtless be speedily seen then, not on^y in the nation at large, 
but in the universities adopting them ; such institutions could 
hardly fail to find their numbers increased ; many young men, 
who do not go to college now, but who on leaving preparatory 
schools enter at once upon professional study, would think it 
worth their while to take a course embracing studies for which 
they have a taste, and fitting themselves for duties for which 
they have an ambition. 

From every point of view, then, in the interest of individual 
students, many of whom would find scope for their powers, 
which they do not find in the existing courses, in the interests 
of the universities themselves, which might attract to their 
halls numbers of energetic young men, who now stand aloof 
from them ; and above all, in the interest of State and national 
legislation — the example of our sister nations in establishing 
such courses is one which merits our close attention. 



44 European Schools of History and Polities. [514 

In looking over the whole field of education in the light 
of our own experience and that of other nations, I see no 
better object for the earnest efforts of those called upon to 
administer our greater institutions for advanced education. 
I am well aware that few, if any, have means enough, even 
for the present courses ; it is then a case for the exercise of 
American munificence ; here there is reason to hope for much. 
In the Old World, with its systems of primogeniture and its 
means of entailing fortunes, men of great wealth can found 
families and hand their property down to remote generations. 
So it is not in our own land ; the great fortune of the first 
generation rarely lasts farther than the third. While, then, 
some reason exists there for hoarding enormous sums for heirs, 
here there is none, and to this fact are doubtless due many 
acts of munificence which have honored the American name, 
and blessed the country. Let us hope that it will not be the 
ambition of our wealthy men to become the fatty tumors of 
society — abnormal growths — accumulating fortunes which are 
at best, only to be reabsorbed into the ordinary business chan- 
nels; but that they will see the duty and the honor lying 
before them ; that in making provision for the higher educa- 
tion of their fellow-citiaens, and especially. in those branches 
which insure better government and a higher type of citizen- 
ship, they will rear to themselves monuments more lasting 
than statues of bronze or obelisks of granite ; on such imper- 
ishable monuments already stand the names of Harvard, Yale, 
Smithson, Peabody, Cooper, Packer, Johns Hopkins, Cornell, 
Vassar, Sage, Wells, McGraw, Sibley, and their noble com- 
peers. Let us hope that worthy successors of these may arise 
to provide, upon the foundations already laid by our stronger 
universities and colleges, means for an instruction worthy of 
our land, in history, political and social science, and general 
jurisprudence — in all that directly fits and strengthens men to 
advance the nation by taking part in public affairs. 



MODERN HISTORY AT OXFORD. 



The following chapter, by Mr. W. J. Ashley, M. A., Fel- 
low and Tutor of Lincoln College at Oxford, written for that 
interesting and instructive volume on " Oxford : Its Life and 
Schools/'^ edited by A. M. M. Stedman, M. A., of Wadham 
College, assisted by members of the University of Oxford, is 
repritited in this connection for the sake of showing the present 
status of history and political science in that institution. The 
chapter admirably complements the earlier notes and obser- 
vations of Professor Paul Fredericq, of the University of 
Ghent, upon the Study of History in England and Scotland, 
recently published as No. 10, of our Fifth Series. 

" The Honour School of Modern History has itself a history 
which covers some four-and-thirty years. A School of ' Law 
and Modern History ' was one of the results of that reforming 
movement which led to the first University Commission. For 
twenty years these subjects were yoked together, until in 1872 
two independent Schools were established ; while the present 
regulations came into force as lately as 1886. In spite of 



^ Oxford : Its Life and Scliools. London : George Bell and Sons, York 
Street, Covent Garden, 1887. This convenient and readable book of 359 
pages will prove serviceable to students of English educational history. 
The work contains a brief historical sketch of the LTniversity of Oxford and 
of its various colleges. Student expenses at Oxford ; its social, intellectual, 
and religious life ; its. system of examinations ; its pass schools and various 
departments of study are all concisely described. There are also interesting 
accounts of Women's Education at Oxford and of the novel system of Uni- 
versitv Extension, recently mentioned in the Studies, No. 11, Fifth Series. 

45 



46 European Schools of History and Politics, [516 

many difficulties, to which it were not surprising had the 
School succumbed, it has steadily grown in importance. The 
work has become more thorough, the teaching better organ- 
ized, the examination standard higher ; and now the study of 
Modern History excites so keen an interest and gives an intel- 
lectual stimulus to so many that it must be reckoned one of 
the most powerful forces in Oxford life. 

" Before speaking of the considerations which may lead a 
man to choose this particular School, let us see what work it 
sets before him. In the first place, he is required to study the 
outlines of the whole of English History, both political and 
constitutional ; then, secondly, he is to give special attention 
to a ^ Period ' of both English and Foreign History, — thus, 
should he select the Period of Foreign History from 1414 to 
1610, he must take the Period of English History from 1399 
to 1603. He will, in addition, be examined in Political 
Science, and in Economic History and Theory. And, finally, 
those who aim at a good class are required to oifer also a 
Special Subject, with certain specified ^ original authorities.' 

" Now the first and most difficult point to be settled by the 
man who begins to read Modern History is, which Period he 
shall Hake.' The Periods are, roughly, as follows : (1) from 
the fifth to the eleventh century ; (2) the ninth to the thir- 
teenth ; (3) the thirteenth to the fifteenth ; (4) the fifteenth and 
sixteenth ; (5) the seventeenth ; (6) the eighteenth ; (7) from 
the middle of last century to the middle of this. The selec- 
tion will of course be determined largely by individual pref- 
erences; one man may wish to examine mediaeval society, 
another the great changes accompanying the Renaissance and 
Reformation, while a third may be more interested in the 
politics of the age immediately preceding our own : but with 
most the choice will be also influenced by regard to the Special 
Subjects. Of these six are mentioned in the regulations, viz., 
Hildebrand, the first three Crusades, Italy (1492-1513), the 
Great Rebellion (1638-1649), the French Revolution (1789- 
1795), and India (1773-1805); and although Candidates are 



517] European Schools of History and Politics. 47 

permitted to offer other subjects, after giving due notice and 
obtaining the approval of the Board of Faculty, the fact that 
only in these six are they likely to obtain assistance from 
tutors and lectures is practically sure to restrict them to those 
suggested. It will clearly be wise to choose such a Period 
and such a Special Subject that the latter may fall within the 
former. With some men it will be the General Period that 
will determine the Special Subject, but with most the reverse 
will be the case. Let us assume, then, that the first point to 
be decided is, which Special Subject to study. Each has its 
own interest and attraction. The first will give some insight 
into the character and work of the mediaeval Church, and its 
relations to the Empire and the secular power; the second 
show^s Christendom and Mahometanism in conflict ; the third, 
the Renaissance and the death of the Italian Republics ; the 
fourth, the struggle between Charles and the English Parlia- 
ment ; the fifth, the overthrow of the ancien regime in France ; 
the sixth, the creation of our Indian Empire. In the first and 
the second, again, the original authorities w^ith which the 
student will have to deal are in Latin, those for the third in 
French and Italian, for the fifth in French only, and for the 
fourth and sixth in English only. 

^' One more alternative is presented. A candidate, instead 
of choosing a historical Special Subject, may offer himself to 
be examined in the History of the Law of Real Property, and 
in this case he will not be influenced by his Special Subject in 
the choice of a Period. * Real Property ' has the advantage 
of lying in a comparatively narrow compass ; and this may 
induce those to take it up who shrink from handling the 
masses of original authorities which the other special subjects 
put before them. Men interested in modern land-questions 
may feel themselves drawn to the ^ Real Property ' as likely 
to be of practical value ; while those who intend to become 
barristers or solicitors may see in it a convenient introduction 
to their more strictly professional studies. On the other hand 
the subject is very technical, and but loosely connected with 



48 European Schools of History and Politics. [518 

the other work of the School ; and it certainly seems unwise 
for a man who has gained a general knowledge of a Period 
not to try to add to it that insight into character, that training 
of judgment and sympathy to which the detailed study of ^ 
historical Special Subject may help him. 

" We will suppose then that, having considered the relation 
of Special Subject to General Period, a man has made up his 
mind which Subject and Period he will take. And matters 
have not been unduly anticipated, in thus first directing atten- 
tion to the General Period and the Foreign History; for, 
although tutorial help on the Foreign History is usually de- 
ferred until the third term or even the second year of reading, 
it is necessary to attend lectures upon it from the first, if the 
ground is to be covered in the time. Supposing a man to 
know something of general English History, and to have two 
years before him, he may do well to assign his time thus, — 
the first long vacation and the two following terms to English 
Constitutional and Political History; the next term, long 
vacation, and another term, to the General Period, English 
and Foreign, a term to the Special Subject, and the last term 
to Political Science and Economic History. 

^'English Constitutional History is the backbone of the 
School : around it may be grouped all that it is really neces- 
sary to know of what is oddly called ^ Political^ History; and 
it gives a strength and dignity to the School which it might 
otherwise lack. But Constitutional History means the study 
of Stubbs and Hallam, — books which appal the beginner, and 
of which the former will, not improbably, somewhat bewilder 
him. The student, when he plunges into it, seems to enter a 
forest of gesiths and gemots, of assizes and justiciars, of tenths 
and fifteenths, where the paths all run into another, and lead 
nowhither. And, therefore, it may be found more profit- 
able for him, before attacking his Stubbs and Hallam, to go 
through a little preliminary course of reading ; so that when 
he comes to the greater works he may understand what sort 
of questions he has to deal with, what are the points at issue, 



519] European Schools of History and Politics, 49 

' what it is all driving at.' Let him therefore commence with 
Professor Freeman's ^ Growth of the English Constitution ; ' 
then let him look at the working of our political institutions 
to-day, as explained, for instance, in the chapters on the Cabi- 
net and the House of Commons in Bagehot's ' English Con- 
stitution,' and in the first two lectures of Professor Dicey's 
' Law of the Constitution.' Then, turning back, let him care- 
fully analyse the ^ Introduction ' to Stubbs' ^ Select Charters,' 
where every word is worthy of letters of gold. And now he 
will be in a fit state to open the Bishop of Chester's great 
work, with some confidence in his power to see the significance 
of its statements and generalizations. 

" It w^ould be impossible here to go through the list of 
General Periods and Special Subjects, and give suggestions on 
each of them. But something perhaps may be said of what 
is meant by Political Science and Economic History. The 
Political Science paper differs from the rest, in that it is not 
set upon a certain limited subject-matter, though, indeed, defi- 
nite books are mentioned. It is expected that, whatever 
Period a man studies, his work will make him think of the 
political principles for which men then strove, and their rela- 
tion to the principles of to-day, of the strength and action of 
political forces then and now ; and that he will come to the 
reading of the prescribed books with some knowledge of the 
significance of the subjects of which they treat. 

" The authors chosen are Aristotle, Hobbes, Maine, and 
Bluntschli, and it may be well to explain why these have 
been selected. Aristotle's ^ Politics ' is by far the most im- 
portant of all writings on Political Philosophy. It is the 
first systematic treatise dealing with the great questions of 
social organization, and it has permanently affected the lan- 
guage of political theory. But it is of special value to the 
student of History. For it gives the theory of the ancient 
state, and by the very contrasts which it suggests, above all 
by its limitations and omissions, helps us to see wherein the 
mediaeval and modern world alike differ from the ancient. 
4 



50 Earopean Schools of History and Politics. [520 

"Yet the mediaeval world has this in common with the 
ancient, that in both the interests of the individual were held 
to be subordinate to the interests of the State. Bat in the 
sixteenth century another conception of the State began to 
influence men, one which regarded individuals as having cer- 
tain rights independent of any social union, and as having 
created the State for certain limited objects. This theory that 
the State originated in, or rested on, a contract between indi- 
viduals, underlay, in the shape given to it by Locke, the Whig 
doctrine of parliamentary sovereignty ; and, as taught by 
Rousseau, was held to justify the claim to rebellion as a right. 
But it was Hobbes who first consistently and powerfully 
worked out the theory ; and it can be all the more calmly 
considered on its own merits when it is presented by Hobbes 
as a support to authority, and not as a weapon against it. 

" Maine's * Ancient Law ' is also in its measure a typical and 
representative work ; for it marks the beginning in England 
of the application of the ^ historical method ' to political and 
social institutions. The history of the growth of an institu- 
tion does not always explain its value ; but it may at any rate 
show that many an idea which we are accustomed to regard 
as necessary and self-explanatory, is itself the result of a 
long development. And, finally, the student is directed 
to Bluntschli's ^Theory of the State,' as a useful book of 
reference; 

" Men are, however, usually more afraid of the Political 
Economy paper than of that on Political Science. The regu- 
lations set forth that they ^ will be examined in MilFs Politi- 
cal Economy,' and ^ will also be required to show an adequate 
knowledge of Economic History.' But if they plunge into 
Mill they find the greater part of his book extremely difficult, 
and, what is more important, out of relation to the rest of 
their reading. Besides, they can scarcely fail to learn that 
Mill's conclusions have been largely modified by subsequent 
economists, and they will naturally ask, whether they are 
.expected to follow the discussions through the writings of 



521] European Schools of History and Politics. 51 

Jevons and Cairnes and Sidgwick. On the other hand, Eco- 
nomic History is by itself a wide subject, and a subject for 
which there are no good text-books. The fact is that a great 
change is coming over the character of economic teaching in 
England, and the regulations of the History School are prob- 
ably only transitional. For the present most investigators of 
Economic History would agree in thus defining their attitude 
toward orthodox Economics : they do not deny that the teach- 
ing of Ricardo and Mill is a logical construction upon given 
assumptions, nor that these assumptions are in a large measure 
true of certain important sides of modern industrial life, but 
they assert that these assumptions were certainly not at all 
true until very recent times. And, therefore, they urge, the 
so-called ' principles ^ of Political Economy are, at any rate, 
not universally true for all times and places, and, in conse- 
quence, contribute scarcely at all to the understanding of the 
economic life of the past. For this it is necessary to study 
economic institutions in the light of the ideas of the time, and 
to examine those ideas, not in relation to modern conditions 
which did not then exist, but in relation to the conditions 
amid which they rose. What, therefore, is desired in the 
History School is probably this, that men should gain some 
sort of acquaintance with the chief features of the develop- 
ment of English Industry, Agriculture and Commerce, and 
with the ideas influencing and underlying it ; and therefore, 
that they should also know the chief doctrines of modern 
economists, without which the social history of the last hun- 
dred years is scarcely intelligible. But it is to Economic 
History rather than to modern Theory that attention is chiefly 
to be directed. The following reading may be suggested, 

'' Cunningham, ' English Industry and Commerce,^ Book 
I., chaps, i., ii. ; Books II., III., lY. ; Rogers, ' Work and 
Wages,' chaps, ii.-vi., viii.-xii., xiv.-xx. ; Toynbee, ^ Indus- 
trial Revolution of 18th Century,' lectures ii.-v., vii.-x. The 
last-named writer's essay on ' Ricardo and the old Political 
Economy,' will explain the assumptions common to Mill and 



52 European Schools of History and Politics, [522 

all the great English Economists. Then it will save time and 
trouble to run rapidly through some short treatise, such as 
Jevons' ^ Primer/ so as to gain familiarity with modern terms. 
After this one may address oneself to Mill, and read with 
especial care, Book I., chaps, x.-xii. ; Book II., chaps, vi.-xvi. ; 
Book III., chaps, i.-iv., x., xiii., xvii., xxiv. ; Book IV., chap, 
vii. ; Book V., chaps, ii.-iv., vii., xi. 

"As to the reading necessary for the Periods and Special 
Subjects, reference should be made to the lists of books in the 
Examination Statutes, and it would be scarcely possible to 
make here any detailed suggestions. But some words as to 
the general character of the work may not be out of place. 

" The work is of three kinds : attendance at lectures, read- 
ing, essay-writing. And in the History School, essay-writing 
has become the usual way of ^ doing work for one^s tutor.' 
Men are advised at the beginning of the term to give special 
attention to some particular Period, certain books are sug- 
gested, and ^ subjects ' falling within their reading are ^ set ' for 
essays. Now, why has this particular method been adopted? 

" For boys at school there is probably no better way of 
teaching than to cause them to learn the main facts in such a 
way that they can remember them. But in the study of His- 
tory in the University the learning of bare facts is the smallest, 
and in a sense the least important, part of the work. By going 
to the usual authorities, any tolerably industrious man can 
readily find a sufficient number of facts, — of dates and events. 
What he really wants to know is the meaning of these facts, 
what stages they mark in the growth of such and such an 
institution, what policy they show in the action of a particular 
statesman, what contrasts they suggest between different ages 
and nations. And essay-writing seems the best way to develop 
this habit of looking for causes and effects. Let the student 
first quietly read the necessary authorities upon the subject, 
making as he does so a rough abstract of what they contain ; 
then let him jot down his ideas, in some dozen words, and 
make up his mind what his line of argument is going to be, 



523] European Schools of History and Politics, 53 

what he is going to say first and next, and how he is going to 
end ; and then, when he sees to the end of what he is going to 
say, and not before, let him begin. The salvation of an essay 
is * point/ 

^^ Now of course this, like all other conceivable methods, 
has its risks. It dangerously encourages fine writing ; it may 
make a man undervalue reading and investigation in compar- 
ison with facility in constructing neat arguments. Yet, under 
the criticism of a tutor, it is the best way of making the read- 
ing for the History School a really valuable mental discipline. 
For, as Professor Seeley has so admirably said, ^ in History 
everything depends on turning narrative into problems. So 
long as you think of History as a mere chronological narra- 
tive, so long you are in the old literary groove which leads to 
no trustworthy knowledge, but only to that pompous conven- 
tional romancing, of which all serious men are tired. Break 
the drowsy spell of narrative ; ask yourself questions ; set 
yourself problems; your mind will at once take up a new 
attitude ; you will cease to be solemn and begin to be serious.' 

" Nor is it as unnecessary as it ought to be to insist on the 
importance of impartiality. No such opportunity will ever 
come again of forming right judgments, and it were a pity to 
lose all the benefit that could be gained, because of previously 
created bias. This does not mean that a man is to get rid of 
all his opinions beforehand, or that he should not hope to 
retain those he has. He may fairly think Strafford a hero, 
and Cromwell a hypocrite, or Cromwell a saviour of liberty, 
and Strafford a tool of despotism ; and he may fairly hope 
that the result of his reading will be to confirm him in these 
opinions. But this need not cause him always to take for 
granted that the one was wrong or the other right. Let him 
try to be scrupulously fair, and to think how the matter pre- 
sented itself to the actor himself. 

"What is necessary in dealing with individuals is still 
more necessary in dealing with institutions. Be ready to rec- 
ognize that a great organization had some value for its own 



54 European Schools of History and Politics. [524 

time. It will be a great help towards clearness of perception 
if question-begging terms are scrupulously avoided ; thus, even 
if a man thinks that the mediseval papacy was a curse to the 
world, he will not be giving up any principle if he speaks of 
its ^claims/ instead of its * pretensions/ 

" Perhaps, at this point, we are in a position to answer the 
question : Why should a man read for the History School ? 
Because, in the first place, it is in many cases a peculiarly 
valuable preparation for after life. Suppose, for instance, that 
a man intends to take Holy Orders. Theology is a study 
which, more than any other, requires a combination of powers, 
— the power to understand and sympathize with high feeling 
and emotion, the power on the other hand of estimating at its 
true value the * practical side ^ of life. And in each direction, 
History will help him. It will give him, moreover, a wider 
horizon ; he will learn something of the relation of the Church 
to Society and the State ; he will see how men, in other times 
and conditions, have dealt with the problems with which he 
also has to deal. 

^' Or again, suppose he intends to enter ^ business.' There 
is no danger so great to the business man as the danger of 
being immersed in the present, of caring only for the imme- 
diate circumstances of the immediate occupation. For such a 
man it will be a great safeguard to have made acquaintance 
with other motives and forces than those which he is likely to 
meet in business, to be able to appreciate forms of society very 
diiferent from those in which he is placed, to understand how 
much the world has changed in the past, and, therefore, how 
much it may change in the future. 

'^ Again, does not the History School offer an excellent 
training for the politician or journalist? The business of 
politics is becoming increasingly difficult ; it demands, above 
all, knowledge and seriousness. Only by studying the past 
can the necessary knowledge be gained, and nothing is so likely 
to impress a man with the tremendous importance of the issues 
which the pettinesses of party warfare conceal. 



525] European Schools of History and Politics. 55 

" But the History School would not be so highly valued as 
it deserves, were it only regarded as suitable to men who look 
forward to certain particular professions. Of course, like any 
other mental discipline, it teaches industry and method ; but 
its peculiar value lies rather in the training of the judgment. 
It may make us discover the good in some cause or movement 
which yet we may feel it our duty to oppose ; may make us 
see the long past causes of present evils, and the far future 
results of action now lightly begun ; and it may encourage 
the habit of suspension of judgment till the judgment has 
sufficient materials to build upon.'' 



RECENT IMPRESSIONS OF THE ECOLE LIBRE. 



The following letter, addressed to the Editor by one of his 
advanced students, Mr. T. K. Worthington,^ who, after pur- 
suing the three years' graduate course in history and politics 
at the Johns Hopkins University, went to Paris upon a 
university appointment for further study in historical and 
political science before taking his Doctor's degree in Balti- 
more. This communication, of course, embodies only first 
impressions ; but they are altogether favorable to the Parisian 
School of Politics, and supplement President White's earlier 
observations. They are, moreover, confirmed by impressions 
communicated orally to the Editor by Dr. Frederic A. 
Bancroft, a graduate of the Columbia College School of 
Political Science, who has studied at the ficole Libre des 
Sciences Politiques for a considerable period, as well as in 
Berlin and at Freiburg with Dr. H. von Hoist. While 
deeply and gratefully appreciating the advantages of graduate 
study at German universities, the Editor strongly believes 
that many of his countrymen make a serious mistake in not 
spending at least a portion of their graduate study in Europe 
in one of the schools of Paris. In form and methods of 
presentation, in lucidity of style and logical directness of 
statement, in the adaptation of scientific means to practical 



* Mr. Worthington is the author of the Historical Sketch of the Finances 
of Pennsylvania, published bj the American Economic Association, vol. II. 
^^o. 2. 85 pp., 1887. 

66 



527] European Schools of History and Politics, 57 

ends, the French are good masters, and in the substance of 
historical and political knowledge they are richer to-day than 
ever before. Men who can afford to do so ought to combine 
the best that France, Germany, England and America have to 
teach in the line of methods and special literature in their 
chosen branches of history and politics, and to make the 
resultant culture connect with the academic, civic, economic or 
political needs of our own country. The whole w^eight of 
college and university influence in America ought to be 
thrown into higher education in history and politics for the 
sake of promoting good citizenship, elevating public opinion, 
and improving American administration — local, State and 
national. 

Paeis, December 1, 1887. 

Your letter of November 3, asking me to give you my 
impressions of the advantages which Paris offers as regards 
instruction in Political Science, has been received and duly 
considered. It is impossible so early in the academic year to 
commit myself to anything more than first impressions, but 
to these you are more than welcome. 

The lectures at the Scole Libre des Sciences Politiques 
began on the 14th of November, but no other courses of any 
importance will be open until the middle of December. If 
one may judge from the official programmes there are a great 
many opportunities to hear valuable and interesting lectures 
on subjects directly and indirectly connected with political 
science. As soon as I was comfortably settled in lodgings, I 
procured M. Fourneau's ^^ Programme des Cours publics de 
Paris " and " Le Livret de Pfitudiant de Paris," from which, 
w4th the programme of the Ecole Libre, may be gathered 
exact information as regards all the courses to be given during 
the coming year. 

Leaving the ficole Libre out of consideration for a moment, 
I shall attempt to give a brief account of the announcements 
so far as they have been made up to the present time. The 
Faculty de Droit, the Faculte des Lettres, the Ecole pratique 



58 European Schools of History and Politics. [528 

des Hautes fitudes, the College de France, the Institut Na- 
tional Agronomique, the Ecole des Fonts et Chauss^es, the 
Conservatoire National des Arts et Metiers, the ficole Na- 
tionale des Chartes, and the Ecole d'Anthropologie, have 
announced twenty-three courses (thirty-seven hours a week) 
on subjects which may fairly be covered by the term 
" Folitical Science." This seems to afford a large field 
for selection, but it is one which is soon limited by close 
inspection. The courses at the technical schools consist mostly 
of elementary lectures on political economy. At such institu- 
tions as the Ecole National Agronomique, the £cole des Fonts 
et Chauss^es, and the Conservatoire National des Arts et 
Metiers, the courses are almost entirely supplementary to 
some particular phase of technology. At the last named the 
second year of study is devoted to Diplomacy, History of 
Political Institutions, and Administration, the Sources of 
French History, and the Classification of Archives : one lec- 
ture a week on each subject. None of the above-named 
schools would be of much value to the general student of 
political science. The courses in law, on the other hand, are 
too special for the average American, unless he wishes to go 
deeply into the study of Roman Law. In this case the advan- 
tages are very great. Fifty lectures a week will be given by 
the Faculty de Droit, most of which are closely connected with 
the study of Roman Law. At the Ecole pratique des Hautes 
Etudes there will not be a single course this year in political 
science. There is a course of one hour a week at the ficole 
d' Anthropologic on the History of Civilization, which might 
prove interesting. In the programme of the Faculty des 
Lettres I came upon a welcome announcement : M. Fustel de 
Coulanges is booked for two hours a week on the Institu- 
tional History of the Middle Ages. As the course does not 
open for two weeks I am compelled to postpone my impres- 
sions of M. de Coulanges as a lecturer. M. Pigonneau is 
down for a course of two hours a week on the History of 
French Diplomacy under Richelieu. M. Pigonneau is lee- 



529] European Schools of History and Polities, 59 

taring with great success at the ficole Libre, on the Diplo- 
matic History of Europe from 1648 to 1789. He is followed 
by about 90 auditors. There is also a lecture once a week by 
M. Lavisse on the History of the Prussian State from 1648 
to 1815. 

At the College de France, M. Paul Leroy-Beaulieu will 
give two hours a week on Political Economy; M. Flach, 
two a week on the History of Comparative Legislation ; 
M. Joly, two a week on the Law of Nature, and the Law of 
Nations ; M. Levasseur, one a week on Historical Geography 
and Economic Statistics. It appears, therefore, that the choice 
lies between the College de France, and the Faculty des 
Lettres. Whatever I do this winter, I expect to hear MM. 
Fustel de Coulanges and Leroy-Beaulieu. 

You are doubtless anxious to hear something about the 
£cole Libre des Sciences Politiques. As you know, it is an 
institution whose aim it is to give advanced and special 
instruction in political science. That it meets a need in the 
community may be emphasized by the statement that it was 
founded in 1871, and that it opens the present academic year 
with about 500 students on the rolls. It is very difficult to 
get information as regards the number of students, the number 
of books in the library, the financial situation of the institution, 
and such matters, which are more freely discussed in America. 
Before going any further, I should like to give you a brief 
account of the origin of the school. 

The £cole Libre is the result of private enterprise. It is a 
joint stock company with a moderate amount of capital, all of 
which is paid up. The institution was founded in 1871, and 
the first courses were opened January 10, 1872 — a red-letter 
day in the history of practical education. At the start, the 
resources of the school were exceedingly moderate. Scarcely 
fifty shares of the stock had been taken. The only resources 
were several thousand francs, collected by the director of the 
school, as endowments for certain chairs, and various amounts 
advanced by the comitS de fondation. 



60 Miropean Schools of History and Politics, [530 

The founders of this great institution, when they trace its 
history back to 1871, realize the magnitude of the task which 
they had set before them. They had very small means, they 
were at the mercy of the government, inexperienced, with a 
hostile public to oppose them. No one believed that they 
could succeed in an undertaking which seemed to need all the 
power of the state to back it, or that they could keep aloof 
from the strife of political parties. Such an experiment, 
without doubt, needed the greatest caution. 

The school opened in very humble style. A single room 
was rented, in which five lecturers delivered each a course of 
twenty-five lectures. The first students were apathetic : they 
had " la physionomie de simples curieuxj^ For the most part 
they took no notes. Success followed close upon the opening 
of the door of the humble lecture-room. MM. Janet and 
Levasseur gave the school a certain prestige. M. Sorel at 
once excited attention by his admirable lectures on diplomacy, 
and M. Paul Leroy-Beaulieu, already well known as a publi- 
cist, soon acquired an equal reputation as a lecturer on political 
economy and finance. In the selection of this staff, the directors 
were influenced by no party consideration whatever. This has 
been the key-note of the history of the institution : in this sense 
alone is it a " free school." Within five months after the first 
lecture was delivered, all the capital was subscribed, and the 
management was put in possession of a considerable fund. 
The field of action was at once enlarged, and in the fall of 
1872 the school was moved to more commodious quarters in 
the rue Taranne. 

The first plan of instruction was found to be defective in 
two ways. First (in M. Boutmy's own words), lectures 
which covered so much ground and were delivered ^' du haut 
de la chaire" could not embody much analysis of detail. 
They kept out of sight the method pursued by the professor 
in reaching his conclusion : his rules of criticism and research. 
"L'fileve est transports tout d'abord au point d'arivee, il 
ne connait rien de la route parcourue. II n'est capable ni de 



531] European Schools of History and Politics, 61 

la parcourir a son tour, ni de prendre exemple de ce qu'il a vu 
faire pour trouver sa voie dans des etudes du meme genre." 
The directors recognized the advantages of the seminary- 
method. 

Secondly, they found that, unless their institution had some 
object beyond the completion of a liberal education, they 
would be compelled to close their doors for want of students. 
They found that young Frenchmen were devoting less and 
less time to the interval between completing their collegiate 
studies and their entrance into business or professional life. 

These considerations dictated the arrangement of the new 
plan. In the first place, the teaching force was increased and 
the ground which each lecturer covered was limited and better 
defined. In the second place, the conference or seminar was 
introduced. The seminary system has been a great feature in 
the instruction of the £cole Libre. M. Boutmy defines the 
conference as ^^an informal lecture, where the professor and 
students meet around the same table to handle documents 
(a budget, a file of diplomatic papers, or a statistical table — as 
the case may be), to comment upon texts, to study statistics, 
to discuss and settle points of difference, and to clear up all 
obscurities by means of their united efforts. The object of 
the conference is not less important than that of the formal 
lecture. It is to exercise the understanding, to cultivate 
certain faculties which the ex cathedra instruction fails to 
develop, to give the student access to original sources and to 
teach their critical use.'' By referring to the programme of 
the ficole Libre, which I sent you some time ago, you may 
easily see how great a part the conference plays in the course 
of instruction for the coming year. There are sixteen lectures 
and eleven conferences a week. In seven cases the maitre de 
conferences holds a government office. 

The conferences are divided according to subjects as fol- 
lows : — Finance and financial administration, 4; diplomacy 
and diplomatic history, 2 ; international law, 1 ; money bank- 
ing, etc., 1 ; colonial geography, 1 ; France in North Africa, 



62 European Schools of History and Politics. [532 

1. As I said above, it appeared at the beginning that if the 
school was to be a success it must have a practical end in 
view : the managers, accordingly organized the courses in 
such a way, that they might be able to offer candidates for 
certain branches of government service, a thorough prepara- 
tion for the duties of their respective departments. It is to 
serve this end that practical administrators are chosen as 
maitres de confirences. The candidates of the Ecole Libre 
have always been the most successful in the state examinations. 
From 1876 to 1886, out of 60 men who passed the examina- 
tions for the Conseil d^&at, 47 (78 per cent.) were prepared 
by the Ecole Libre. Out of 46 who passed the examinations 
for the Inspection des Finances, during the same period, 41 
(89 per cent.) were prepared by the £lcole Libre. Since 
1880, all the successful candidates in this department, were 
prepared by the school. 

In the examinations for the Cour des Comptes held in 
1879, 1882, 1884 and 1886, the men trained at the Ecole 
Libre obtained sixteen places out of seventeen. During the 
last few years all candidates prepared by the school for the 
ministry of foreign affairs have been admitted to the highest 
places. In 1886, out of eleven candidates received into this 
department, nine, who stood highest, belonged to the Ecole 
Libre. 

These are the practical results. Each year witnesses some 
addition to the advantages offered to candidates for the State 
examinations. If time and space permitted, it would be 
interesting to trace the growth of the practical tendency by 
comparing the curriculum during the early years of the school 
with the announcements made for the coming year. The 
organization has changed somewhat since 1872. At that time 
the whole system of instruction was grouped under two 
sections : (1) Administration and Finance. (2) Diplomacy. 
In the programme for this year the courses are classified as 
follows : Diplomatic Section, Administrative Section, Eco- 
nomic and Financial Section, Colonial Section, General Sec- 



533] European Schools of History and Politics. 



63 



tion, Public Law and History. These correspond to the 
following departments of the government service : Diplomacy, 
Conseil d'fitat, Administration, Inspection des Finances, Cour 
des Comptes and the Colonial Service. Such courses as do 
connect directly with these branches form a valuable prepara- 
tion for business and commercial life, or " le couronnement 
naturel de toute education liberale." I know a Frenchman 
from the South who is taking the courses in finance, in order 
to prepare himself for a position in his father's bank. 

The progress of the school may be illustrated by the increase 
in the number of students : 



1871-72 . 




. 89 


1873-74 . 




. 96 


1874-75 . 




. 150 


1876-77 . 




. 191 


1878-79 . 




. 222 


1887-88 . 




. 500 



This is a remarkable record. Such an institution as this 
we must have some day in Baltimore or in our national 
capital. When the time comes to make the experiment, the 
experience of the £cole Libre will be invaluable. 

Before closing this over-long communication, I must say a 
few words about the impressions gained from my short 
experience. The building occupied by the ficole Libre is at 
27 Rue St. Guillaume, a few steps from the Boulevard St. 
Germain. It is about fifteen minutes' walk from the Place de 
la Concorde, and easily accessible by 'bus and tram. On 
entering the building you pass through a small ante-room, 
with the office of the concierge on the left, and come into a 
large cloak-room. To the left of the cloak-room is a large 
room with a glass roof, AA^here the men walk, smoke and talk 
between the lectures. At one end of the promenade is the 
lavatory, and at the other, across a passage, are the offices of 
the director and secretary. The amphitheatre is at the end 
of the passage, which also opens on the cloak-room. All the 



64 JEuropean Schools of History and Politics, [534 

lectures are delivered in the Salle de Cours, which is entered 
from the recreation hall. This room is furnished with eight 
baize-covered tables, each about a yard wide and seating ten 
men. The chairs around the walls accommodate twenty or 
thirty more. Sometimes the room is uncomfortably crowded 
and very hot, though the average attendance is about ninety. 
The lecturer^s desk is at one end of the room on a platform. 
There are no windows but a glass roof, consequently there are 
no cross lights. 

Up stairs, in the rear, are three library rooms containing, I 
should say, about 8,000 volumes. There are three library 
funds belonging : (1) to the school, (2) to the soci6t6 d'Enseigne- 
ment sup^rieur, (3) to the societe de linguistique. In the 
second story front are two journal rooms containing about 100 
foreign and French reviews and the daily papers. The build- 
ing is exceedingly comfortable. A large addition is being 
erected which will give greatly increased accommodations. 

The lectures are very formal. The professor is ushered into 
the hall by the concierge ^ who conducts him with great cere- 
mony to the platform, takes his hat and coat and retires. On 
the table is a small waiter holding a tumbler, a carafe of 
water and a bowl of sugar. From these ingredients the pro- 
fessor compounds a drink, which must be singularly unex- 
hilarating, takes a sip thereof, and the lecture begins. To an 
American, accustomed to a less pretentious d^but on the part 
of his professor, the above performance gives an unexpressible 
sense of ^clat. The lecturer and the auditors evidently con- 
sider the lecture to be the event of the day. Nearly all my 
lectures are at four o'clock in the afternoon. Professor and 
students, almost to a man, appear in high hat, black coat, and 
gloves. The happy possessor of an eye-glass sports it. All 
this is very pleasant, though it is objected to by some Ameri- 
cans as incompatible with good scholarship. 

I had heard a great deal against French lectures. Those 
at the ficole Libre are open to little criticism. They are like 
the audience and the professor — formal, highly polished and 



535] European Schools of History and Politics, 65 

well got up. The lecturer has his subject thoroughly worked 
out. He knows exactly what part of the ground he will 
cover at each lecture, and we stay until he covers it, if it takes 
an hour and a half. Each lecture, as a rule, begins with a 
a short review of the previous one, and ends with a brief 
r^sum^ of the points just gone over. The greatest care is 
given to style and literary finish. So far from being sketchy 
and superficial, the lectures are sometimes overloaded with 
detail. The historical treatment of a subject is very full and 
closely connected. 

Much stress should be laid on the difference in method 
between the formal lecture and the confirence. The extreme 
formality and solemnity of the cours marks the distinction. 
No time is lost in questions put to the lecturer and all discus- 
sion is reserved for the confirence. My greatest objection is 
that no bibliography is given by the lecturer. If I did not 
happen to have some knowledge of the books on finance and 
administration, I should be entirely in the dark as regards 
reading. 

The men take very careful notes. I have seen a man's 
notes on one lecture amount to twelve closely-written pages. 
The charge of superficiality cannot be made against the 
lecturers at the £cole Libre. Superficiality is almost impos- 
sible. The professors, as a rule, are men of affairs — either 
practical administrators or prominent in politics. They are 
forced, by their training and by the plan of the institution, 
to be thorough. The administrative and financial sections 
employ five lecturers. Four of them hold positions under the 
government. Many of the faculty embody what I have 
always thought to be a charming combination — the scholar 
and the man of the world. 

I said that the lectures were not superficial. I must make 
an exception. When the lecturer comes to treat of the United 
States, he is apt to give an American a bad impression of his 
scholarship. In certain cases, where the syllabus led me to 
expect an interesting comparative or historical study of Eng- 
5 



6Q Miropean Schools of History and Politics, [536 

lish or American institutions, I met with grievous disappoint- 
ments. The remarks made on such occasions were generally 
absurd, and threw no light on the matter under discussion. 
At first, ignorance of America on the part of European 
scholars distressed me a great deal. Last year, at Oxford, 
Professor Dicey was pointed out to me by a lecturer on con- 
stitutional history as a curiosity — almost a monstrosity — ^be- 
cause he was the only man in Oxford who knew anything 
about the Constitution of the United States. 

If anyone should ask me whether it would be profitable for 
an American to spend a portion of his period of Continental 
study in Paris, I should say emphatically, yes. I cannot 
conceive of an institution which could offer greater advantages 
than the ficole Libre to the student of political science. The 
fact that it is, in great part, a primary school for the govern- 
ment makes it less valuable to the foreigner than it otherwise 
might be. It should be clearly understood, however, that it 
is not the purpose of the directors to make the Ecole Libre 
solely a preparatory school for the civil service. On the 
contrary, it is their ideal to make the institution a great 
University of Political Science. Where the civil service 
examinations are so universal as they are in France, such a 
university would always have necessarily a practical side. 
There are many courses at the Jficole Libre, which have a 
purely educational or non-utilitarian value. 

There are many points which I have omitted. I have not 
touched upon the subject of examinations as I have had no 
experience of them. You are well acquainted with the 
Annales d Pficole Libre des Sciences Politiques. I remember 
that it is on the seminary table in the Bluntschli Library. 
An interesting feature is the groupes de travail. These are 
seminaries of the alumni, held under the direction of members 
of the faculty. Three groups are organized : (1) Finance, (2) 
Public and private law, (3) History and diplomacy. There is 
also an association of the alumni. Every five years a travel- 
ling fellowship is awarded to graduates of certain standing. 



537] European Schools of History and Polities. 67 

The value is 5,000 francs. There are various prizes distributed 
each year among the graduating class. Their total value is 
1,200 francs. 

M. Boutmy has been most kind and helpful in every way. 
Later in the winter I hope I shall be able to give you more 
extensive and trustworthy impressions than these which I 
herewith submit. 



PREPARATION FOR THE CIVIL SERVICE IN 
GERMAN STATES/ 



The purpose of the following paper is to give a short report 
of the laws which at present regulate the course preparing for 
the qualified service of the German states. Germany has so 
long been known as the country of model administration, her 
system is so perfectly developed in all its ramifications that 
the student of political science will always with interest and 
pride look upon this masterpiece of political praxis. And 
he has a right to feel proud, for the successes of the statesmen 
merely followed the triumphs of German theory. All the 
great reforms, from the administrative reform of Stein to the 
social reform of Bismarck, would have never been achieved 
by men who were not thoroughly educated in political science. 
For this reason we shall direct attention to the German 
system of political education, which is the motive power of the 
political machine. Our authority is the xxxiv publication 
of the " Verein fur Socialpolitik." 

Bavaria. 

The regulations concerning the examination for the civil 
service were issued in 1830 ; at that time the administrative 
and judicial departments were not yet completely separated, 
and consequently the study and examination qualifying for 



* The above article was prepared by Mr. L. Katzenstein, of the Johns 
Hopkins University, formerly of the University of Berlin. — Editor. 
68 



539] European Schools of History and Politics, 69 

an appointment in eitlier department was and is still the 
same. 

The condition for entering the university as a regular 
student is here, as everywhere else in Germany, a diploma 
testifying that the candidate successfully passed the course of 
a gymnasium. 

The course of the academic study comprehends four years, 
while a triennium is sufficient in nearly all the other German 
states. The fact which accounts for this difference in time is 
that in Bavaria the student is expected to devote one year, 
and generally the first one, to improving his general education. 
He may gather the best fruits in philosophy, philology, or 
natural sciences, and then, elevated by the impression that all 
branches of human knowledge receive their vital force from 
the same roots, he commences his professional study with 
brighter hopes and greater satisfaction. 

The four years' study at the university are the first and 
merely theoretical part of the preparation for the civil service. 
The conclusion of this first part is the so-called theoretical 
examination of the following subjects : 

1. Philosophy of law. 

2. Koman civil law. 

3. German private law. 

4. Civil procedure. 

5. Criminal law. 

6. Criminal procedure. 

7. Public law of the German Empire and of the kingdom 
of Bavaria. 

8. Law of the Catholic and Protestant Churches. 

9. Science and law of police. 

10. Political economy. 

11. Finance. 

The commission in charge of the examination consists of 
a government delegate who has the chair, and six or eight 
professors of the university. The examination is oral and 
public. The majority of the audience is composed of stu- 



70 European Schools of History and Politics. [540 

dents. Each of the eleven subjects receives equally careful 
attention by the examiners. The candidate whose knowledge 
has satisfied this commission enters upon the three years' 
course of his practical preparation. 

He has to serve twelve months in one of the administrative 
departments, eighteen months at the courts and six months in 
the office of an attorney-at-law. But wherever he is employed, 
an account of his work is faithfully kept, which will testify 
that the candidate is sufficiently prepared to pass the second or 
practical examination. This time he has to pass a written 
and oral examination, and the former is of greater importance 
than the latter. It lasts twelve days and covers the same 
subjects as the theoretical examination. The candidates are 
under continual supervision of one of the commissioners, and 
the time is limited to eight or nine hours a day. They have 
to grapple with complicated and extensive cases of private and 
public law and with the problems of the day in political 
economy and finance. 

The commission consists of officers of high rank in the 
judicial, administrative and finance departments. Having 
successfully passed this second trial the candidate is at liberty 
to select his special profession and the department he intends 
to enter. He who will become a notary has to serve two 
more years in the office of a notary, before he can be 
employed; and the financial service requires the candidate 
to work six months further in a court of claims, and then 
undergo a third examination on the subject of financial admin- 
istration. 

WURTEMBEE©. 

It is a principle established by the Constitution of Wiirtem- 
berg (1819) that those only can obtain an office under the 
government who successfully pass the prescribed examina- 
tions. In 1817 the faculty of political science of the univer- 
sity of Tubingen was founded to educate young men for the 
service. 



541] European Schools of History and Politics. 71 

Men generally study four years, though three and a half 
years is required by law. This university course is of such 
a high qaality and prepares the student so thoroughly that 
the succeeding practical course is limited to one year and a 
half. 

The rules now in force were issued November 7, 1885. 
The first examination takes place after the university course 
has been completed, and is conducted by six university pro- 
fessors and one government commissioner. 

They examine in the following subjects : 

1. Private law of Wiirtemberg. 

2. Penal law. 

3. Mode of procedure in civil and penal law. 

4. Public law of the empire of Germany and of the kingdom 
of Wiirtemberg. 

5. Law of the Protestant and Catholic Churches. 

6. Political economy. 

7. Administration. 

8. Administrative law of Germany and Wiirtemburg. 
The second examination at the end of the practical course 

is conducted by a board of examiners, composed of of&cers in 
the Department of the Interior, who are appointed by the 
minister. It is a written and oral examination. In the 
former, the applicants have to treat cases in administration, 
administrative and penal law and to answer questions on the 
theory and law of taxation and finance. The oral examination 
covers the eight subjects enumerated above with addition of 
taxation, law of taxation in Wiirtemberg, and finance. 

Baden. 

The civil service of Baden is regulated by a law of Decem- 
ber 16, 1853, which underwent several changes before August 
11, 1883. 

The university course extends over three and a half years 
and the practical course lasts three years. In the two exami- 



72 European Schools of History and Politics, [542 

nations, the one at the end of the university course and the 
other after the practical preparation, the examining boards 
are composed of officers of the interior and judicial minis- 
tries, with the exclusion of professors. With regard to the 
university course the applicant has to observe the following 
xules : 

He must attend lectures on nineteen subjects ; three lectures 
in the philosophical faculty, five lectures in political science 
(philosophy of law, public law, political economy, theory of 
police and finance), and eleven lectures on subjects of law. 
The first examination is oral and written. The written 
examination covers sixteen subjects of law and political 
science. Fifty-five questions are asked and one hour is 
allowed for each question. These questions are classified in 
the following way : Koman private law, eight questions : 
history of Eoman law, three; civil law of France and Baden, 
six; civil law of Germany, five; public law, four; church 
law, two; procedure in civil law, five; penal law, five; 
procedure in penal law, four; philosophy of law, two; 
political economy, four; science of police, four; finance, 
three. The oral examination includes civil law of Rome, 
France and Baden; procedure in civil law, penal law and 
political economy. 

The practical preparation is regulated as follows : twelve 
months of service in district courts, eight months in the 
supreme court (Oberlandesgericht), twelve months in the 
administrative department and four months in the office of 
a lawyer. 

The second examination covers the law of Baden, including 
constitutional and administrative law. In the oral examina- 
tion the applicant has to give a report of a practical case. 

Kingdom of Saxony. 

The law of July 20, 1859, enumerates the subjects to which 
the student has to devote his attention. They are : public law 



543] European Schools of History and Politics, 73 

of Saxony, international law, politics, theory of police, admin- 
istrative law of the kingdom, statistics, political economy, 
finance, technology, theory of agriculture and forestry. The 
entire course of preparation is very similar to that of the 
South German states as outlined above. A written and oral 
examination is required at the end of the academic study of 
about the same character as that in Bavaria and Wiirtemberg. 
This examination is conducted by professors of the University 
of Leipzig. Four years of practical service follow, with an 
examination at the conclusion, which is conducted by a board 
of examiners composed of administrative officers. 

Prussia. 

A law of May 6, 1869, regulates the preparation for the 
civil service of Prussia. 

Two examinations have to be passed on the course that leads 
to the civil service. In the first, which occurs at the end of 
the academic career, the candidate has to give account of the 
quantity and quality of knowledge he acquired while listening 
to the teachings of the professors. In the second trial, which 
is to be passed four years later, the practical capacity of the 
candidate is tested. In both cases the examining board is 
composed of government officers. The first examination is 
oral and written, and the subjects are: the various descrip- 
tions of public and private law, history of law and principles 
of political science. The candidate who successfully passed 
this examination has to serve two years in a bureau of the 
judicial department and two years in a bureau of the adminis- 
trative department. Then the second examination in written 
and oral form takes place. It covers the following subjects : 
public and private law of Prussia, especially constitutional 
and administrative law, political economy and finance. 

General Features. 

In all the German states the preparatory course for the 
administrative and judicial careers is alike; we see that 



74 European Schools of History and Politics, [544 

greatest importance is attributed to legal education and that 
only a second place is assigned to political science. This 
relation will not long continue to exist, for the life of the 
people calls for political science. JSTew forces of life have 
been created. They require new forms, new laws, new 
organizations. The art of government becomes more difficult 
every day and the saying that "a public office is a public 
trust '^ daily receives more significance in Germany as in 
America. It is ridiculous to fight giants with an army of 
dwarfs. We have to train an army of public servants that 
shall be equal to those hosts. This can only be done with the 
help of political science. All the legal knowledge in the 
world will not enable us to solve the problem of pauperism, 
nor to regulate organizations of labor, to make provisions for 
accidents, to decide the questions of protection or free-trade 
and finance. Consequently the demand that the officer should 
have thoroughly studied social and economic science becomes 
more imperative every day. 

In all German states a theoretical and practical course is 
required. This extends the entire preparation to seven or 
eight years. The office is no sinecure, no easy prey for those 
persons who have failed by incapacity or idleness in other 
fields of activity. Great sacrifices are imposed upon public 
serv^ants, sacrifices never to be remunerated with money. 
Intellectual capacity and moral character are severely tested 
before men are admitted to the lowest position. Their recom- 
pense is the feeling that they are a part in the great national 
organism, that they can use all their power for the welfare 
of the nation, and that they belong to a class of men most 
highly respected in all the world. It would, indeed, be 
possible to unite both ways of education more closely. And 
the ideal will always be an academy of political science, 
where, as in military and naval academies, the newly-gained 
theoretical knowledge is immediately applied in practice. 
Into the practical course, as it is now, a greater division of 
labor might enter, and the candidates be prepared for a 



545] European ScJiooIs of History and Politics. 75 

special department. They might become acquainted with 
certain branches of industrial life, as banking, exports and 
imports, coinage, etc. 

On the whole we may say that Germany is one of the best 
governed countries in the world, because she has the best 
developed civil service. It is the latter that determines to a 
certain degree to-day the political character of a state. We 
know that the best laws are worthless, that the work of intel- 
ligent legislators is frustrated, that the will of the people is not 
fulfilled, if the officers to whom we entrust the execution of 
the laws represent notorious incapacity. Even the intentions 
of a good constitution are checked by the sins of commission 
and omission in a bad administration. 



LIST OF BOOKS UPON THE CIVIL SERVICE 
OF GERMANY. 

Robert Mohl, iiber die wissenschaftliche Bildung der Beamten 

in den Ministerien des Innern. Zeitschrift fur die gesamte 

Staatswissenschaft, 1845. 
Robert Mohl, iiber eine Anstalt zur Bildung h5hrer Staats- 

diener, id. 
Ernst Engel, das statistische Seminar des K. preussischen 

Bureaus in Berlin, 1864. 
Erwin Nasse, iiber das Universitatsstudium der preussischen 

Verwaltungsbeamten. Bonn, 1868. 
Albert Schaffle, zur Frage der Priifungsanspriiche an die Kan- 

didaten des hdheren Staatsdienstes, Zeitschrift fiir die 

gesamte Staatswissenschaft, 1868. 
Georg Meyer, das Studium des oflPentlichen Rechts- und der 

Staatswissenschaften in Deutschland. Jena, 1875. 
Lorenz von Stein, die staatswissenschaftliche und die land- 

wirtschaftliche Bildung. Breslau, 1880. 
Lorenz von Stein, Gegenwart und Zukunft der Rechts- und der 

Staatswissenschaft Deutschlands. Stuttgart, 1875. 



76 JEuropean Schools of History and Politics. [546 

Ludwig Jolly, die Ausbildung der Yerwaltungsbeamten. 
Zeitschrift fiir die gesamte Staatswissenschaft, 1875. 

Gustav Cohn, iiber eine akademische Yorbildung zum hohren 
Eisenbahnverwaltungsdienste. Zurich, 1876. 

Gustav Cohn, Ueber das staatswissenschaftliche Studium der 
preussischen Verwaltungsbeamten. Archiv fur Eisenbahn- 
wesen, 1885. 

Adolph Wagner, zur Statistik und zur Frage der Einrichtung 
des national-okonomischen und statistischeu Unterrichts an 
den deutschen Universitaten, Zeitschrift des K. statischen 
Bureaus. 1877. 

X. Goldschmidt, das dreijahrige Studium der Rechts- und 
Staatswissenschaften. Berlin, 1878. 

Otto Gierke, die Juristische Studienordnung. Jahrbuch fur 
Gesetzgebung, Yerwaltung und Yolkswirtschaft, 1877. 

Rudolf Gneist, die Studien- und Priifungsordnung der deut- 
schen Juristen. Berlin, 1878. 

Joh. Friedr, von Schulte, Gedanken iiber Aufgahe und Reform 
des Juristischen Studiums. 

G. Blondel, de Tenseignement du droit dans les universit^s 
allemandes. Paris, 1886. 

Dernhurg, die Reform der Juristischen Studienordnung. Ber- 
lin, 1886. 

Dr. Franz v. Liszt, Reform des Juristischen Studiums. Ber- 
lin, 1886. 

Dr. Leonhard, ISToch ein Wort iiber den Juristischen Univer- 
sitatsunterricht. Marburg, 1887. 

Die Yorbildung zum hdheren Yerwaltungsdienste in den 
deutschen Staaten, Oesterreich und Frankreich. Berichte 
und Gutachten ueroffentlicht vom Yerein fur Socialpolitik. 
Leipzig, 1887. 

L. Goldschmidt, Rechtsstudium und Priifungsordnung, ein 
Beitrag zur preussischen und deutschen Rechtsgeschichte, 
Stuttgart, 1887. 

G, Cohn, iiber die Yorbildung zum hoheren Yerwaltungs- 
dienste in den deutschen Staaten. Zeitschrift fiir die ge- 
sammte Staatswissenschaft, 1887. 



INDEX TO FIFTH VOLUME 



OP 



Johns Hopkins University Studies 



HISTOEICAL AND POLITICAL SCIENCE. 



Abolitionists, rise of, 372. 

Acrelius, 12. 

Adams, Prof. Chas. K., institutes his- 
torical seminary at Michigan Uni- 
versity, 448 ; at Cornell University, 
450. 

Adams, Prof. Henry, at Harvard, 450. 

Adams, Dr. Herbert B., on the litera- 
ture of charities, 283-324 ; on semi- 
nary libraries and university exten- 
sion, 443-469. 

Adams, John, favors amendment to 
State Constitution, 90. 

Adams, John Quincy, quoted, 258, 
262. 

Aldermen, in St. Louis, 142-3 ; salary 
of, 145. 

Alien and sedition laws, 256. 

Allen, Wm., begins charity organiza- 
tion, 322. 

Allinson, Edward P., and Boies Pen- 
rose, on city government in Phila- 
delphia, 7-72. 

America, De Tocqueville's Demo- 
cracy in, 346 ; seminary libraries 
in, 448-456. 

Amherst, General, 194. 

Ampere, 353. 

Amusements for the people, 303; 
Prof W. S. Jevons on, 309; Wal- 
ter Besant on, 311. 



Annales d I'Ecole Libre des Sciences 
Politiques, 536. 

Appointments, political, 372, 374. 

Aristotle, 519. 

Armstrong, Mr., lecturer in history 
at Oxford, 415. 

Arnold, Thomas, and social reform, 
292 ; quoted, 293. 

Ashley, 3Ir. W. J., prize essayist at 
Oxford, 428-9 ; on modern history 
at Oxford, 515-525. 

Ashton, popular amusements encour- 
aged at, 304. 

Assessment of property in St. Louis, 
method of, 169. 

Assessors, in Boston, number and 
duties of, 123. 

Association, American Economic, 
publications of, 290; American 
Social Science, publications of, 
290; Social Science, of Philadel- 
phia, publications of, 290. 

Austria-Hungary, schools of history 
and politics in, 481-2. 



B 



Bacon, Lm'd, quoted, 461. 

Baden, preparation for civil service 
in, 541-2 : university course in, 
541 ; requirements of candidates 
for government positions in, 542. 

77 



78 



Index, 



[548 



Baker, George H., 453. 

Baltimore, literature of charities in, 
283 ; statistics of organized chari- 
ties in, 284. 

Bancroft, Dr. Frederic A., 526. 

Banks, savings, literature of, 314. 

Barnard, Charles, 313. 

Bartlett, George, 312. 317. 

Bavaria, preparation for civil service 
in, 538-9 ; academic course in, 539 ; 
university course in, 539; exami- 
nations in, 539-40. 

Beesley. E. S., 430. 

Bellerive, St. Ange de, 139. 

Bemis, Dr. E. W., 290. 

Berlin, statistical bureau at, 447 ; 
University of, courses in history 
and political science at, 480-1 ; 
historical seminary at, 447. 

Besant, Walter, 298; quoted, 299; 
on amusements, 311. 

Binsse, L. B., 286. 

Black, C. J., quoted, 45. 

Blodget, Hon. Lorin, 313. 

Bluntschli, "Theory of State," 520. 

Bluntschli Library, 454. 

Boase, Mr.^ lecturer at Oxford, 415. 

Body of Liberties, established, 1641, 
78 ; provisions of, 78-79. 

Bohun's Privilegia Londini, quoted, 
18,21. 

Borough franchise in England, sketch 
of, 16-17. 

Bosanquet, C. B. P., 291. 

Boston, city government of, Jas. M. 
Bugbee on, 77-132; founders of, 
77-80; written laws adopted in 
1641, 77; early town government 
of, 79-80 ; application for incorpo- 
ration of, 1650, 80-84; other efforts 
to change town organization of, 
84-94; plans for administration 
of, 87-88 ; petition for charter 
for, 1822, 91; condition of, 93; 
officers of, 93 ; taxes in, 94 ; first 
city charter of, 94-98; revised 
charter of, 1854, 98-102; popula- 
tion of, 101 ; recent changes in 
government of, 102-115; list of 
officers of, 123-4 ; manner of elec- 
tion of officers in, 125; literature 
of charities in, 288. 

Boston men, 77, 79. 

Bourinot, John George, on local gov- 
ernment in Canada, 181-243. 



Boutmy, M., 537; quoted, 530, 531. 

Bowker, K. R., 312. 

Brace, C. L., 287. 

Brearley, Mr., founds historical semi- 
nary at Oxford, 1882, 426. 

Bright, Mr., lecturer in history at 
Oxford, 415. 

British Columbia, provision for muni- 
cipal corporations of, 240. 

British North America Act, 1867, 
183. 

Brodrick, Hon. G. C, quoted, 182. 

Brown, Mayor, quoted, 160. 

Browning, Mr., historical lecturer at 
King's College, 399 ; method pur- 
sued in his "Political Society," 
413. 

Bryce, James, M. P., 300; on the 
predictions of Hamilton and De 
Tocqueville, 329-381. 

Bugbee, James M., on city govern- 
ment of Boston, 77-132. 

Buildings, department for the survey 
and inspection of, in Philadelphia, 
67; in Boston, 121. 

Bullitt, W. C, 65. 

Bullitt Bill, 7 ; Philadelphia under, 
65-72. 

Burat, M., 487. 

Burrows, Mr., professor of modern 
history at Oxford, 414. 

Butler, Dr. N. M., on the effect of 
the war of 1812 on the consolida- 
tion of the Union, 251-276. 



Calhoun, John C, 266. 

Cambridge, University of, 394; num- 
ber of colleges at, 394; life at, de- 
scribed, 394-397; annual revenue 
of, 397 ; honors at, 397 ; historical 
instruction at, 398-414; chair of 
modern history founded by George 
I. at, 398 ; degrees at, 399 ; recom- 
mended reading for historical 
course at, 402-4; regulations for 
examination in history at, 405- 
410; fund for Thirwall prize at, 
413 ; number of professors and lec- 
turers in history at, 414. 

Campbell, quoted, 227. 

Campbell, Helen, 286. 



549] 



Index. 



79 



Canada, local government in, John 
George Bourinot on, 181-243 
extent of, 182; divisions of, 182 
officers and government of, 182-3 
three periods in history of, 183 
reunion of provinces of, 229; estab- 
lisliraent of municipal institutions 
in provinces of, 229-240. 

Canniff, quoted, 206, 214. 

Carondelet, incorporated as part of 
St. Louis, 149. 

Carpenter, Miss, 295. 

Chalmers, M. I)., on local govern- 
ment, 130, 241 ; on parishes and 
townships, 224—5. 

Chalmers, Thomas, 292, 294; ar- 
raigns poor-law system, 322; or- 
ganizes charities, 322. 

Champlain, calls first meeting of in- 
habitants of Quebec, 1621, 185. 

Channing, Dr. Edward, at Harvard, 
452..^ 

Charities and trusts, board of, in Phil- 
adelphia, 53 ; department of, 69. 

Charities, literature of, Dr. Herbert 
B. Adams on, 283-324; The Inter- 
national Record of, 290. 

Charity organizations in England, 
Dr. D. K. Eandall on, 321. 

Charlottetown, 228. 

Charron, Claude, 187. 

Charter, ( Philadelphia ), Penn's, char- 
acter and provisions of, 14-17, 22 ; 
officers under, 17-21, 26, 27, 28; 
revenues under, 22-24; indepen- 
dent commission under, 24-5 ; fall 
of, 31; second, 1789, 33; reform, 
1885, 65; (Boston), of 1822, 94; 
provisions of, 95-98 ; opposition to, 
95 ; powers and duties of officers 
under, 95-98; revision of, 1854, 
98-102; defects of, 102; committee 
appointed to revise, 103; recom- 
mendation of amendments to, 104 ; 
second committee appointed to re- 
vise, 1884, 106 ; recommendations 
of, concerning, 106-113; changes 
made in, 113-115; (St. Louis), of 
1808, provisions of, 140-2; of 1822, 
142-4; of 1835, 144-5; of 1839, 
146; of 1876, 149-154. 

Cheney Brothers, 304. 

Chouteau, Auguste, 139. 

Citizen's Keform Committee of One 
Hundred, 62. 



City government, of Philadelphia, 
Edward P. Allinson and Boies 
Penrose on, 7-72; of Boston, Jas. M. 
Bugbee on, 77-132 ; of St. Louis, 
Marshall S. Snow on, 139-174. 

Civil service, preparation for in Ger- 
man States, L. Katzenstein on, 
538-546; in Bavaria, 539-40; in 
Wurtemburg, 540 ; in Baden, 541- 
2; in Saxony, 542-3; in Prussia, 
543 ; general features of, 543-5 ; 
list of books upon, 545-6. 

Clubs, workingraen's, 299. 

Cochran, Mr., 56. 

Cohen, Miss M. H., 286. 

Coit, Stanton, 298. 

Coke, Lord, quoted, 59. 

Colbert, 184 ; quoted, 186. 

Collector, City, in Boston, 123 ; in St. 
Louis, 170. 

Collegiate course, introduction of 
history and political science into, 
urged, 504 ; arguments p^o and 
eon, 504-511. 

Columbia College, library of, 453 ; 
historical seminary work at, 453. 

Commerce, unifying influence of, 372. 

Commercial Club, 160. 

Commissioners, City, 38 ; duties and 
powers of, in Philadelphia, 39. 

Committees, government by, 37-8. 

Concentration of executive power, in 
Boston, 127; in New York, 128. 

Conservatoire National des Arts et 
Metiers, 528. 

Consolidation Act, 1854, 49. 

Constitution, Federal objections to, 
335; evils feared in, 338; superior 
to State Constitutions, 361, 376, 

Constitutions, State, inferior to Fed- 
eral Constitution, 361, 376 ; demo- 
cratization of, 374. 

Contemporary Review, quoted, 313. 

Contracts, power of making, in Phila- 
delphia, 59, 70. 

Controller, department of, in Phila- 
delphia, 50 ; functions and powers 
of, 51, 68. 

Coolidge, Mr., lecturer in history at 
Oxford, 415. 

Cooperation, papers of The American 
Economic Association on, 290. 

Copenhagen, causes of superiority of 
common people of, to those of Lon- 
don, 310. 



80 



Index, 



[550 



Cornell University, historical semi- 
nary at, 449-450 ; library of, 450. 

Cotes, 191. 

Cotton, John, " Moses, his Judicials" 
compiled by, 78. 

Council, City, of Philadelphia, under 
Penn's charter, 20; under second 
charter, 36; assumes executive 
functions, 37 ; under reform char- 
ter, 66 ; of Boston, two branches of, 
118; powers and functions of, 118- 
119; of St. Louis, 148; composi- 
tion of, 157; qualifications of its 
members, 157. 

Councilmen, of Philadelphia, 19. 

Court, Supreme, 376; merits of, 360. 

Courts in Philadelphia, 29-31. 

Crawford, William, quoted, 275. 

Crystal Palace, good done by, 309. 

Custos Kotulorum, 211, 212. 



B 



Danton, quoted, 508. 

De Liefde, quoted, 317. 

Denio, Chief Justice, quoted, 129. 

Denison, Edward, 294. 

De Tocqueville, quoted, 181 ; the pre- 
dictions of Hamilton and, James 
Bryce on, 329-381 ; and his book, 
346 ; its defects, 347 ; his view of 
the United States, 354; his im- 
pressions, 358 ; his views and pre- 
dictions examined, 373 ; his con- 
clusions summarized, 380. 

De Villeneuve-Bargemont, 318. 

Dexter, Professor, 452. 

Dicey, A. V., 300, 536. 

Doctrinairism, 510-11. 

Dora, Sister, 295. 

Doyle, Andrew, 317. 

Druramond, Mr., 233. 

Dugdale, R. L., 287. 

Duncker, Albert, 314. 

Durham, Lord, quoted, 193, 198, 199, 
200, 201, 212, 215, 220, 230. 

Dwight, Prof T. W., 285. 

Dwight, Th., quoted, 256. 



E 



|:arle, Mr., at Oxford, 415. 
Ecole d' Anthropologic, 528. 
Ecole des Ponts et Chaussees, 528. 



Ecole Libre, des Sciences Politiques, 
recent impressions of, by Mr. T. 
K. Worthington, 526-537 ; aim of, 
529 ; origin of, 529 ; defect in early 
instruction in, 530-1 ; seminary at, 
531 ; subjects discussed in, 531 ; 
candidates of, in state examina- 
tions, 532 ; growth in practical 
tendency, 532 ; in numbers, 533 ; 
description of building of, 534 ; 
libraries at, 534 ; nature of lectures 
at, 534-535; ideas of American 

, institutions at, 536. 

Ecole Rationale des Chartes, 528. 

Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes, 
528. 

Economic history and theory, at Ox- 
ford, 520-2; object of study of, 
521 ; course in, 521. 

Edinburgh, University of, celebrates 
300th anniversary, 391 ; noted for 
medical faculty, 391. 

Education, in Philadelphia, 42, 54 ; 
in Boston, provision for, 119; in 
St. Louis, 167-9 ; of masses urged, 
496 ; of leaders, 497 ; lack of, in 
historical line, 498 ; higher, results 
of defect in, 498. 

Educational societies in England, 
how managed, 466. 

Edwards, Rev. W. W., 317. 

Elberfeld, poor-law system of, 317. 

Election laws in St. Louis, 154-5. 

Elective franchise, in Philadelphia, 
38-9 ; in Boston, 85 ; in St. Louis, 
143, 146, 155. 

Eliot, George, 298. 

Eliot, Samuel A., 288. 

Ely, Dr. Richard T., 284, 304. 

Embargo, 261, 265. 

Emerton, Prof, experiments of, in 
historical seminary work, 452. 

Emminghaus, A., 318. 

Engel, Dr., founds seminary at Ber- 
lin, 447. 

Engineering department, in St. Louis, 
147. 

England, literature of charities in, 
291 ; workingmen's clubs in, 299 ; 
political education in, 300; uni- 
versity extension in, 301, 465-9 ; 
popular amusements in, 309, 311; 
poor-laws and pauperism in, 315 ; 
charity organization in, Dr. D. R. 
Randall on, 321 ; De Tocqueville's 



551] 



Index, 



81 



knowledge of, 348, 349 ; and Scot- 
land, study of history in, Paul 
Fredericq on, 391-436; notes on 
constitutional history of, 448 ; edu- 
cational societies in, 466. 

English constitutional history, study 
of, at Oxford, 518. 

Equalization board, composition and 
duties of, in St. Louis, 170. 

Europe, pauperism and charities in, 
317 ; social studies in, 318. 

European schools of history and poli- 
tics, Pres. Andrew D. White on, 
477-514. 

Expenditures, of Philadelphia, 57-8; 
of Boston, 102; of St. Louis^l42. 



Faction, spirit of, 338, 342. 

Faculte de Droit, 527 ; lectures at, 

528. 
Faculte des Lettres, 527. 
Fairmount Park, 41, 53. 
Federalist, 330; quoted, 336, note, 

338, note, 339. 
Federalists, 253 ; downfall of, 258. 
Ferries in Philadelphia, 29. 
Fields, Mrs. J. T., 288. 
Finances of Philadelphia, 44-5, 55. 
Fire Department, in Philadelphia, 

27-8 ; in Boston, 1 20 ; in St. Louis, 

166, 167. 
Fire Wardens, 146. 
Fisher, Judge, examines English 

charity organizations, 321. 
Fiske, quoted, 228. 
Foreign policy, instability in, 338, 

342, 364. 
Forest Park, 164. 
Foster, W. E., 457. 
Fothergill, Miss, 298. 
Founders of Boston, 77-80. 
Fowle, Rev. T. W., 316. 
France, influence of, on De Tocque- 

ville, 348, 351 ; historical and 

political schools in, 482; results 

of, 483 ; men in public service 

connected with, 490; College of, 

483, 528 ; men connected with, 483; 

courses given at, 483-4, 529. 
Eraser, James, 294. 
Fredericq, Paul, on study of history 

in England and Scotland, 391-436. 

6 



Freeman, E. A., quoted, 240 ; Eegius 
professor of modern history at Ox- 
ford, 414 ; on the office of the his- 
torical professor, 424. 

Freemen, qualifications of, 22. 

French regime in Canada, 1608- 
1760,184-194; government under, 
184 ; officers under, powers of, 
184-5; representative government 
in towns under, opposed, 187 ; sub- 
divisions under, 188 ; towns, vil- 
lages and settlements under, 190; 
parishes under, 191-2; highways, 
192; position of people during, 
193 

Friend, The, 290. 

Frontenac, Count de, assembles peo- 
ple of Canada in three orders, 
1672, 186 ; censured by King of 
France, 186. 

Fry, Elizabeth, 295; begins charity 
organization, 322. 

Fustel de Coulanges, M., 528. 



G 



Gallatin, Albert, quoted, 273, 274. 

Gardiner, S. K., professor of history 
in King's College, 431. 

Gas, introduction of, into Philadel- 
phia, 41 ; reasons for city control 
of, 51. 

George, Mr., lecturer in historv at 
Oxford, 415. 

George III. of England, establishes 
four governments in America, 194. 

Georgetown, 228. 

Gerando, Joseph Marie de, 288, 318. 

German States, preparation for civil 
service in, L. Katzenstein on, 538- 
545. 

Germany, historical seminary libra- 
ries in, 443-47 ; nature of, 444 ; 
management of, 446 ; seminary 
work in, 447 ; schools of history 
and politics in, 478-481; charac- 
ter and results of teaching in, 
481-2; men of note connected 
with, 490. 

Giesebrecht, William, 444. 

Oilman, Rev. J. S., 296. 

Ginx's Baby, 292. 

Girard, Stephen, bequest of, 42. 

Gladden, Washington, 303. 



82 



Index, 



[552 



Gladstone, W. E., 323. 

Glenn, John, 292. 

Gorgeana, 81, note. 

Gorges' charter, provisions of, in 
regard to establishing municipal 
corporations, 81. 

Great Britain, instruction in politi- 
cal and social science in, 489 ; men 
influential in promoting such in- 
struction, 489; their connection 
with public affairs, 490. 

Green, !S. S., 457. 

Grellman, 318. 

Griswold, Roger, quoted,, 260. 

Groupes de travail at the Ecole Libre, 
536. 

Guard, City, in St. Louis, 146. 

Gurteen, Bev. S. H., 287. 

Guthrie, Thomas, 294. 

Gymnasia, scope of study in, 481. 



H 



Hale, Dr. E. E., 288, 289. 

Haliburton, quoted, 218. 

Halifax, founded, 217; government 

of, 217 ; division of, into wards, 

217; officers of, 217; not incor- 
porated until 1841, 220. 
Hall, Dr. L. M., 290. 
Hallam, quoted, 211. 
Hamilton, and De Tocqueville, James 

Bryce on the predictions of, 329- 

381 ; quoted, 337, 340, 345. 
Hammond, B. E., at Trinity College, 

339 ; recommendations to students 

of history, 401. 
Harbor Master, at St. Louis, 147 ; 

and Wharf Commissioner, 164. 
Harrison, Mr., proposes measure for 

formation of municipal councils in 

Upper Canada, 231. 
Hartford Convention, 271. 
Hartranft, Governor, quoted, 65. 
Harvard College, incorporated, 83. 
Harvard University, development of 

seminary idea at, 450-1; library 

of, 450-1. 
Hassall, 3fr., lecturer in history at 

Oxford, 415. 
Health Department, in Philadelphia, 

41, 53 ; in Boston, 121 : in St. Louis, 

147, 167. 
Hebrew charities in New York, 286. 



Heidelberg, historical seminary work 
at, 445-6. 

Henry, John, 262. 

Hewitt, Hon. A. S., favors additional 
parks in New York, 308. 

Highways in Canada, management 
of, 192-3. 

Highways in Philadelphia. (See 
Streets.) 

Hill, Florence, 295, 316. 

Hill, Octavia, 291, 292, 295, 312, 
316; quoted, 304; reforms Lon- 
don tenement houses, 322. 

Hinton, .James, 294. 

Historical Seminary. (See Semi- 
narv.) 

History, study of, in England and 
Scotland, Paul Fredericq on, 391- 
436; practically excluded from 
Scottish universities, 392; ques- 
tions used in examination in, in 
Edinburgh, 392-3 ; special subjects 
for work in, at Cambridge, 404 ; 
list of works recommended, 402-4; 
questions for examination in, at 
Cambridge, 405-410; department 
of, at Oxford, 415 ; general charac- 
terization of work in, 432-6 ; and 
politics, European schools of, Pres. 
Andrew D. White on, 477-514; 
schools of, in Germany, 477-481 ; 
in Austria-Hungary, 481-482; in 
Switzerland, 482 ; in France, 482- 
487 ; in Italy, 487-488 ; in Great 
Britain, 488-491 ; application of 
European experience in, to United 
States, 491-514; lack of training 
in, in United States, 498 ; course of 
study in, prescribed, 499-501 ; possi- 
bility of establishing courses in, 
501-2 ; methods of instruction in, 
502 ; post-graduate courses in, 503 ; 
introduction of study of, into under- 
graduate courses, 503 ; arguments 
pro and con, 504-511 ; results of 
study of, 511-513; modern, at 
Oxford, 515-525; courses in, 516; 
three kinds of work in, 522 ; dis- 
cussion of, 522-4. 

Hobbes, 520. 

Hodge, i^ev.W.H., 285. 

Hogan, J. Sheridan, quoted, 216. 

Holland, Captain, 225. 

Holme, Thomas, 7. 

Homes, workingmen's, 312. 



553] 



Index, 



83 



Hospital, The, 291. 

Hospital, Boston, management of, 

121. 
House of Delegates, in St. Louis, 

composition of, 158 ; qualifications 

of its members, 158. 
Rowland, Edward, 304. 
Hoyt, Dr. C. S., 286. 
Huber, Prof., 314. 
Hughes, Thomas, 293, 294. 
Hutchinson, quoted, 78; note, 83, 

85, 86. 
Huxley, Prof., quoted, 313. 



Ingram, J. K., 296, note. 

Institution National Agronomique, 
528. 

Intendant, duties of, 88. 

Intendant and Municipality of the 
Town and City of Boston, 88. 

Italy, pauperism in, 320 ; schools of 
political and social science in, 487 ; 
improvement of, 488; men influ- 
ential in, 488; strong representa- 
tion from, in public afiairs, 490. 



Janet, M., 530. 

Jastrow, Dr. Joseph, 444. 

Jefferson, Thomas, quoted, 256, 275 ; 

recommends embargo, 265. 
Jevons, Prof. W. S., on popular 

amusements, 309. 
Johns Hopkins University, historical 

seminary and library at, 454. 
Johnson, Mr., lecturer in history at 

Oxford, 415. 
Joly, M., 529. 

Jowett, Prof B., quoted, 295. 
Justices of Peace, in Lower Canada, 

201 ; in Upper Canada, 213, 214. 



K 



Katzenstein L., on preparation for 
civil service in German states, 
538-545 ; list of books upon Ger- 
man civil service bv, 545-6. 

Kellogg, Rev. D. O., 285. 



Kemper College, 147. 

Kenney, C. S., 316. 

Kentucky, admission of, 331. 

Kentucky Resolutions, 257. 

Keyes, E. W., 315. 

Kingslaury, F. J., on popular amuse- 
ments, 306. 

King's College, history at, 431. 

Kingsley, Charles, 293, 298. 

Kingston, 206; condition of, 214-15. 

Kirkpatrick, J,, at Edinburgh, 392; 
his course in constitutional law 
and history, 392. 

Knight, Dr. Geo. W., 448 ; in State 
University of Ohio, 449 ; P^ditor of 
Ohio Archceological and Historical 
Quarterly, 449. 

"Know-Nothing" Party. (See Na- 
tive-American Party.) 

Knox, Mr., lecturer at Oxford, 415. 



Labor, housing of, 312. 

Laboulaye, 353, 483, 

Lafayette Park, 164. 

Lane, Wm. Carr, 143. 

Larcom, Miss Lucy, 290. 

Laurent, Fran9ois, 315. 

Laval, Monsigneur de, 187. 

Lavisse, 31. , 529. 

Laws, written, adopted in Boston, 

1641, 77. 
Lecomte, Jules, 317. 
Legardeur, Jean Baptiste, first mayor 

of Quebec, 187. 
Legislation, ill-considered, 338, 339, 

342, 343, 345. 
Leighton, Sir Baldwin, 317. 
Leighton, Col. George E., on streets 

of St. Louis, quoted, 160-1. 
Leipzig, University of, 543. 
Leland, Chas., 312'. 
Lend a Hand, 289. 
Leonard, Daniel, quoted, 219. 
Le Play, Frederick, his studies in 

social science, 318. 
Leroy-Beaulieu, M. Paul, 529, 530. 
Lesley, Mrs. Susan D., 285. 
Levasseur, Professor, 487, 529, 530. 
Leverraore, Dr. C. H., 242. 
Lewins, William, 314. 
Ley land, John, 302. 
"Liberties," incorporated, 48. 



84 



Index. 



[554 



Libraries, the work of, 460-464 ; 
educated librarians needed in, 462; 
classes and lectures in connection 
with, 462 ; seminary, and univer- 
sity extension, J)r. H. B. Adams 
on, 443-469; in Germany, 443- 
448 ; in America, 449-456 ; for 
the people, 457-459. 

Library, Forbes, 461, 463; Newberry, 
467 ; public, of Boston, 122. 

Liguest, Paul Laclede, 139. 

Literature of civil service in German 
states, by L. Katzenstein, 538-545. 

Local government in Canada, John 
George Bourinot on, 181-243; ap- 
pendix to, 244-6. 

Lodge, Mr., lecturer in history at 
Oxford, 415. 

"Log-rolling," 199. ^ 

London, historical instruction at, 
430-432 ; University of, 430 ; rela- 
tion of the University College and 
King's College, to University of, 
430 ; organized charities in, 323. 

Longfellow, Miss, 411. 

Lord-lieutenant, office of, 211-12. 

Louisiana Purchase, 259. 

Low, Hon. Seth, 287. 

Lowell, Mrs. J. S., 286. 

Lower Canada, 1760-1840, 194-204; 
separated from Upper Canada, 196 ; 
division of into counties, 196; sus- 
pension of constitution of, 197 ; dis- 
tricts of, 198 ; counties of, 198 ; 
parishes of, 198, 199; townships 
of, 199 ; administration of civil and 
judicial affairs in, 202; influence 
of French regime in, 203 ; internal 
government in, 232. 

M 

Macaulay, 506. 

Mackenzie, W. Lyon, 215. 

McMullen, quoted, 214. 

Macon, Nathaniel, quoted, 270. 

Madison, James, 267. 

Madry, Jean, 187. 

Maine, " Ancient Law," 520. 

Manitoba, provision for municipal 

corporations of, 240. 
Majority, tyranny of, in America, 

339, 343, 365, 378. 
Mann, Mrs. Horace, 288. 



Markets, in Philadeli)hia, 29. 

Markham, William, 10, 11. 

Marshal, 3Ir., conducts course in 
political economy and govern- 
mental institutions at Oxford, 415. 

Marshal's bill, 43. 

Marvel, Andrew, address of, quoted, 
32. 

Maryland Historical Society, library 
of, 454. 

Maryland Institute, 312. 

Massachusetts Bay Company, its 
authority to create municipal cor- 
porations discussed, 81-82. 

Maurice, F. D., 293. 

Mayor, Philadelphia, duties of, 17, 
18, 36, 49, 66 ; Boston, decline of 
power of, 99 ; salary and duties of, 
117 ; St. Louis, powers and qualifi- 
cations of, 142, 144 ; salary of, 145 ; 
duties of, 156. 

Means, D. McGregor, 288. 

Meules, quoted, 188. 

Mezy, if. de, 187. 

Michigan, University of, historical 
seminary at, 448-449 ; library of, 
449. 

Military regime in Canada, 1760-63, 
194-5. 

Mill, Political Economy, 520. 

Missouri Compromise, 355. 

Modern history at Oxford, 515-525; 
courses in, 516 ; periods and special 
subjects in, 516 ; three kinds of 
work in, 522 ; discussion of, 522-4. 

Moggridge, M. W., 291. 

Monasteries, pauperizing influence 
of, 320. 

Money, influence of, on politics, 372. 

Montague, F. C, 316. 

" Moses, his Judicials," 78. 

Moulton, R. G., 302. 

Municipal Assembly, in St. Louis, 
two branches of, 157 ; powers of, 
158-9. 

Municipal government, legislature 
shall not have charge of, 130; in 
Canada, 229. 

Municipal Reform Act, 1835, 17. 

Murdoch, quoted, 217, 227. 

Murray, Rev. Robert, Jr., on popular 
amusements at Ashton, 305. 

Murray, Governor, establishes town- 
ships, churches, courts, 195. 

Murrey, Humphrey, 13. 



555] 



Index, 



85 



Museums, use and abuse of, Frqf. W. 

S. Jevons on, 310. 
Music, as a means of recreation, 309. 



N 



Native-American, riots, powerless- 
ness of police in, 43 ; party in 
Massachusetts, 101. 

Negro problem, 379. 

New Brunswick, early history and 
government of, 221 ; officers in, 
222 ; divisions of, 222 ; present 
municipal system of, 239. 

Newell, Dr. Timothy, 308. 

New England, literature of charities 
in, 287. 

Newman, Cardinal, 323. 

New York, literature of charities in, 
285 ; college men and social reform 
in, 297 ; additional parks provided 
in, 308 ; constitution of, 1846, 356. 

Nicholas, favors repeal of embargo, 
265. 

NichoUs, Sir George, 316; quoted, 
316. 

Niebuhr, 444. 

Niles' Kegister, quoted, 263. 

Nineteenth Century, 237. 

Northampton, recommendations to 
citizens of, on library and library 
work, 460-4. 

Northwest Territories, provision for 
municipal corporations of, 240. 

Nova Scotia, early population of, 216 ; 
military government in, 217 ; first 
legislature of, 217 ; division of into 
counties, 218 ; town-meetings for- 
bidden in, 218; division of, for 
legislative, judicial, and civil 
purposes, 218 ; officers in, 218- 
20 ; local government discouraged, 
218-219; grand jury, powers of, 
in, 220-1 ; present municipal sys- 
tem, 239. 

Novels, sociological, 298. 



o 



Officers, municipal, in Philadelphia, 
appointment of, 69 ; impeachment 
of, 70; in Boston, 106, 117, 126; 
in St. Louis, 145, 146, 171-2. 

Olmsted, Frederick L., 309. 



Ontario, local self-government of, 
described, 233; local officers of, 
234-5 ; powers of municipal gov- 
ernment of, 237 ; success of muni- 
cipal system of, 244-6. 

Owen, S. J., at Oxford, 415. 

Oxford, University of, 394 ; number 
of colleges at, 394; life at, de- 
scribed, 394-397 ; annual revenue 
of, 397 ; honors at, 397 ; study of 
history at, 414-430; preliminary 
examination for degree at, 414 ; 
number of professors and lecturers 
in history at, 414-415; depart- 
ments of history at, 415; ele- 
mentary nature of instruction in 
history at, 415; "Honor School 
of Modern History" title of his- 
torical department at, 416 ; re- 
quirements in history for entrance 
into, 416; authors recommended 
for revised course in history at, 
to take effect in 1886, 417-421; 
indicated subjects for examination 
in history for 1886, 422-423; op- 
tions which students for examina- 
tion in history at, may present, 
424 ; remarks of Mr. Stubbs on his 
work at, 425 ; historical seminary 
established at, 426; prize offered 
at, in history, 427-428 ; modern 
history at, 515-525. 



Page, S. Davis, 65. 

Papineau, 197. 

Paris, charities of, 317 ; Independent 
School of Political Sciences at, 
484; men connected with, 484; 
programme of lectures at, 484-5 ; 
preparation for government posi- 
tions at, 485-6 ; proportion in 
certain public offices from, 486; 
schools of, recommended, 526. 

Parishes, under French regime in 
Canada, 191-2 ; in Lower Canada, 
198-9 ; in Upper Canada, 210-11 ; 
in New Brunswick, 222-4 ; in Eng- 
land and United States, 223-4; 
in Prince Edward Island, 227. 

Parks, management of, in Boston, 
122 ; in St. Louis, 164; additional, 
needed in New York, 308. 



86 



Index, 



[656 



Parkman, Francis, quoted, 185, 203. 

Parr Town, 221. 

Pauperism, in England, 315 ; on the 
Continent, 317. 

" Pay as vou go " Act, 58. 

Peabody,*Jftss, 288. 

Peabody, George, improves tenement 
houses of London, 312, 322. 

Peck, Francis, 313, 316. 

Pellew, H. E., 313. 

Penn, William, 10, 11 ; division of 
province of, into counties, 11 ; 
county the unit under, 11, 13; 
quoted, 29; Philadelphia under 
charter of, 14-31. 

Penn's Frame, quoted, 11. 

Pennsylvania Hall, powerlessness of 
police at burning of, 43. 

People's Palace, 468. 

Penrose, Boies, and Edward P. Allin- 
son, on city government of Phila- 
delphia, 7-72. 

Periodicals, American Charity, 289. 

Pertz, George, 444. 

Philadelphia, city government of, 
Edward P. Allinson and Boies 
Penrose on, 7-72; periods in his- 
tory of, 9, 10 ; purchase of site of, 
and laying out of, 10 ; boundaries 
of, 11; incorporated, 15; under 
Penn's charter, 14-33; during 
third period, 1789-1854, 33-48; 
during fourth period, 1854-1887, 
48-61 ; under the reform charter, 
65-70; literature of charities in, 
285. 

Physiocrats, 512. 

Piernas, Don Pedro, 140., 

Pigonneau, M., at the Ecole Libre, 
528. 

Plumer, quoted, 259. 

Police, in Philadelphia, origin of, 
26 ; duties of, 26, 42, 52 ; in Bos- 
ton, management of, 121 ; in St. 
Louis, 145; early history of, 165; 
present control of, 166; composi- 
tion of, 166. 

Political science, work in, at Oxford, 
519. (See also History.) 

Politics, history and,European schools 
of. (See History.) 

Poor, provision for, in Philadelphia, 
27, 41, 52; in Boston, 122. 

Poor-laws, English, 315, 321. 



Port wardens, 41, 52. 

Port Eoyal, founded, 216 ; re-named 
"Annapolis Eoyal," 216. 

Potter, Br. Henry C, 286. 

Poutrincourt, Baron de, 216. 

Predictions, of Hamilton and Be 
Tocqueville, James Bryce on, 329- 
381 ; of 1788, 330. ^ 

President, fear of his becoming a 
despot, 335; De Tocqueville on, 
360; increased importance of, 
376. 

Press, power of, in America, 361, 
377 ; demands of, for trained men, 
493. 

Price, Bonamy, 300. 

Prince Edward Island, early history 
of, 225; proposition for division 
of, 225-7 ; division of, 227 ; royal- 
ties, or commons in, 228-9 ; muni- 
cipal government of, 239. 

Prothero, Mr., at King's College, 
399. 

Provincial Council, records of, re- 
lating to charter for Philadelphia, 
12 ; functions of, 13. 

Prussia, preparation for civil service 
in, 543 ; requirements, 543. 

Public Buildings Commission, com- 
position and duties of, 53-4. 

Public Improvements, Board of, St. 
Louis, 159 ; duties of president of, 
165. 

Public institutions, of Boston, control 
of, 121 ; of St. Louis, 172-3. 

Public Safety, Department of, in 
Philadelphia, 67. 

Public Works, Department of, in 
Philadelphia, 67. 

Pullman, 304. 

Pulpit, demands of, for trained men, 
493. 

Q 

Quebec, first meeting of inhabitants 
of, 1621, 185; election of mayor 
and aldermen in, 187 ; govern- 
ment of, 1744-1774, 194; present 
municipal system of, 237-8. 

Quebec Act, provisions of, 194-5. 

Quincy, Josiah, opposes application 
for charter, 92; describes Town 
Meeting, 92 ; quoted, 260. 



557] 



Index, 



87 



K 



Eandall, Dr. D. E., 292 ; on English 
charity organizations, 321. 

Eanke, Leopold von, institutes Semi- 
narium at University of Berlin, 
443; students of, 444; extension 
of methods of, 444. 

Eaj, Dr. Isaac, 285. 

Eecent impressions of the Ecole 
Libre, by Mr. T. K. Worthington, 
526-537.* 

Eecorder, of Philadelphia, duties and 
qualifications of, 18, 36. 

Eecorder of Votes, in St. Louis, 170. 

Eeform Charter, brief history of, 65 ; 
Philadelphia under, 65-71. 

Eeform movement, in Philadelphia, 
61-64; aids to, 62; opposition to, 
63. 

Eegister, City, in St. Louis, 145. 

Register, The Monthly, 289. 

Eegistrar of Voters, in Boston, 123. 

Eeichel, Mr., lecturer in history at 
Oxford, 415. 

Eeligion, influence of, in America, 
366. 

Eepresentative municipal govern- 
ment established in Philadelphia, 
34. 

Eepresentatives, House of, distrust 
of, 336, 338: encroachments of, 
343 ; its inferiority to the Senate, 
362, 377. 

Eevision, Board of, in St. Louis, 171. 

Eevolution, American, Philadelphia 
at time of, 31-2; French, how 
received in the United States, 
254. 

Ehys, J., at Oxford, 415. 

Eicardo, 521. 

Eibton-Turner, C. .L, 291. 

Eichards, Mr., quoted, 200. 

Eichelieu, establishes modified feudal 
tenure in Canada, 1627, 188 ; na- 
ture and advantages of the system, 
188-9. 

Eiehl, W. H., 318. 

Eobertson, F. W., 293. 

Eochefoucault, Duke de la, quoted, 
208, 212. 

Eome, demoralizing influence of 
largesses in, 319; University of, 
course in history and politics in, 
488. 



Eowley, Charles, 301. 

Euskin, John, 322. 

Eyerson, Rev. Dr., quoted, 206, 236. 



S 



St. John, incorporated, 221 ; officers 
of, 221-2. 

St. Louis, city government of, Mar- 
shall S. Snow on, 139-174 ; found- 
ing of, 139; early history of, 
139 ; incorporated as a town, 140 ; 
boundaries of, 141 ; first charter 
of, 140-142; incorporated as a 
city, 142; divided into wards, 
143; boundaries of, extended, 146, 
149 ; second municipality of, 148 ; 
union of city and county govern- 
ment, advantages and disadvan- 
tages of, 151-3 ; under present 
charter, 154-174. 

St. Louis Common Fields, 148. 

St. Louis Republican, 151. 

St. Louis University, 147. 

Salmon, 3Iiss Lucy M., 448 ; professor 
in Vassar, 449. 

Salt, Sir Titus, 304, note. 

Saltaire, popular amusements encour- 
aged at, 304, note. 

Sanborn, F. B., 287, 288. 

Sanford, E. C, 317. 

Saxony, Kingdom of, preparation for 
civil service in, 542-3; require- 
ments, 543. 

School board, in Boston, composition 
and duties of, 119; in St. Louis, 
168-9 ; provision for change in, 
173. 

Schonberg, G., 318. 

Schuyler, 3Ii^s, 286. 

Seeley,P/'o/.J. R., 300; at Cambridge, 
399 ; published _ works of, 399 ; 
method pursued in " conversation- 
class" of, 411-413. 

Self government, local, De Tocque- 
ville on, 359, 360. 

Seligraan, Dr. E. E. A., 298. 

Seminary libraries, and university 
extension, Dr. H. B. Adams on, 
443-469; in Germany, 443-447; 
in America, 448-456 ; for the peo- 
ple, 457-459. 

Senate, fear of becoming an oligarchy, 
336. 



88 



Index, 



[558 



Sewer, system of St. Louis, 162; 
commissioner, 162. 

Shaftsbury, Lord, 294. 

Shaw, Chief Justice, quoted, 79, note, 
82, 83. 

Shaw, Dr. Albert, 290. 

Shaw, Henry, 164. 

Sieveking, A. W., 316. 

Simcoe, Lieutenant-Governor, 207. 

Sims, G. E., 313. 

Sinking fund, Philadelphia, history 
of, 59-60. 

Slavery, dangers from, 355, 368. 

Slocum, Rev. W. F. Jr., 284. 

Smith, Mr., lecturer in history at 
Oxford, 415. 

Snow, Mr., quoted, 93. 

Snow, Marshall S., on city govern- 
ment of St. Louis, 139-174. 

Solicitor, City, 68. 

Sophiasburg, records of, 210. 

Sorel, M., 530. 

South, its distrust of the North, 
370. 

South Manchester, popular amuse- 
ments at, 304. 

States, destruction of, as common- 
wealths feared, 335; distrust of 
larger, 336; prevalence of, over 
federal government, feared, 338, 
368, 369, 370; but not realized, 
343 ; attachment of citizens to, 
345, 359. 

Stedman, A. M. M., 515. 

Stimson, H. A., 288. 

Stokely, Mayor, 43. 

Street Commissioner, Philadelphia, 
34; Boston, powers of, 119-20; St. 
Louis, 147, 159. 

Streets, of Philadelphia, ordinances 
for improvement of, 25 ; under 
care of commissioners, 26; under 
highway committee, 40; cleanli- 
ness of in 1807, 40 ; of St. Louis, 
naming of, 143; improvement of, 
144 ; condition of, 159-60 ; propo- 
sitions for improvement of, 160-61 ; 
present condition of, 161-62. 

Stuart, Prof., 302; quoted, 302. 

Stubbs, William, quoted, 223 ; ap- 
pointed Bishop of Chester, 414; 
his work at Oxford, 425 ; organizes 
class for "informal instruction at 
Kettle Hall," 425 ; his method in 
history at Oxford, 426. 



Sun, The Baltimore, on organized 

charities, 284. 
Switzerland, instruction in political 

and social science in, 482. 
Syndenhara, Lord, 230. 
Syndics d' habitations, functions of, 

186. 

T 

Tanner, Mr. special historical lec- 
turer at St. John's College, 399. 

Taxes, in Philadelphia, 47; collection 
of, 55 ; board of revision of, consti- 
tuted, 56 ; receiver of, 67-8 ; in 
Boston, 94. 

Taylor, John, quoted, 256. 

Thornley, Mr., historical lecturer at 
Trinity Hall, 399. 

Tower-Grove Park, 164. 

Town system, in Boston, 86, 87 ; in 
Canada, resume of, 240-1. 

Townships, in Lower Canada, 199- 
200 ; in Upper Canada, 204, 205 ; 
in Nova Scotia, 219 ; in New 
Brunswick, 222-3. 

Toynbee, Arnold, 468 ; his work 
among the poor of London, 295. 

Toynbee Hall, 296, 468. 

Travelling fellowship, 536. 

Treasurer, in Philadelphia, depart- 
ment of, 68 ; in St. Louis, 145. 

Trevelyan, Sir Charles, 291. 

Trusts and charities, board of, in 
Philadelphia, 53. 

Tubingen, University of, school of 
history and politics at, 478 ; results 
of training at, 478 ; courses of lec- 
tures at, 478-9; examinations at, 
541. 

Tucker, Mr., quoted, 258. 

Tuckerman, Joseph, 288. 

Turcotte, quoted, 232, 233. 

Tuttle, Prof Herbert, 450. 

Tyler, Prof. Moses C, introduces 
seminary methods at Cornell Uni- 
versity, 449. 

u 

Uhlhorn, 318. 

Union, effect of the war of 1812 on 
the consolidation of. Dr. N. M. 
Butler on, 251-276 ; signs of weak- 
ness of, 368 ; attachment of citi- 
zens to, 375. 

United Empire Loyalists, 196. 



559] 



Index, 



89 



United States, in 1789, 330; in 1832, 
355 ; benefits derived from its dem- 
ocratic government, 364; causes 
maintaining republican govern- 
ment in, 365 ; application of Euro- 
pean experience in historical and 
political study to, 491 ; demand 
in, for men trained in history and 
political science, in legislation, 491 ; 
in press and pulpit, 493. 

Universities of Scotland, 391-393. 

University College, founded, 430; 
historical study at, 430. 

Universitv extension, in England, 
301, 465-9; described, 461; its 
influence, 462, 466, 468 ; spread of 
the idea of, 465 ; its business side, 
466 ; its advantages, 468-9. 

University extension schools, organi- 
zation and support of, 466 ; instruc- 
tion in, 467 ; fees, 467 ; curriculum 
of, 467 ; their conciliating influence, 
468 ; number of, 468. 

University methods, advantages of, 
502. 

Upper Canada, separation from Lower 
Canada, 196 ; 1792-1840, 204-216 ; 
districts of, 204r-205 ; townships 
of, 205-207 ; separated from 
French Canada, 207 ; divided into 
counties, 207 ; legislature of, 208- 
209 ; officers of, 209-210 ; taxation 
in, 214, 215-216 ; municipal gov- 
ernment in, 231-232. 

Utrecht, Treaty of, 216. 



Van Hum beck, M., minister of public 
instruction in Belgium, 391. 

Verein fiir Socialpolitik, 538. 

Vienna, University of, course in his- 
torv and politics at, 481. 

Von iaolst, H., quoted, 252, 254, 255, 
257, 261, 262, 263; work of, 482. 

Voyer, Grand, functions of, under 
French regime, 192 ; under mili- 
tary regime, 195 ; in lower Canada, 
200. 



w 

Waitz, George, 444. 

Wakeman, Mr., lecturer in history 
at Oxford, 415. 

Ward, Rev. Nathaniel, Body of Liber- 
ties, composed by, 78. 

Wardens, City, duties of, 26, 34. 

Waring, George E., Jr., 314. 

Warner, A. G., 290, 319. 

Washington, quoted, 257, 258. 

Water bailiff, 21. 

Water supply, of Philadelphia, town- 
pumps, 27 ; from Schuylkill, 41 ; 
Fairmount works, 41 ; reasons for 
city control of, 51 ; of Boston, 
management of, 122; of St. Louis, 
162-164. 

Waterbury, popular amusements in, 
306. 

Waterhouse, Prof., on water supply 
of St. Louis, 163. 

Webster, Daniel, quoted, 270, 271. 

Wheeler, Prof. Arthur M., 453. 

White, Alfred T., 313. 

White, Pres. Andrew D., on European 
schools of history and politics, 
477-514. 

Winthrop, Governor, quoted, 77, 78, 
81. 

Wolcott, quoted, 256. 

Wolowski, 487. 

Work-house, in St. Louis, 146. 

Worthington, Mr. T. K., on recent 
impressions of the Ecole Libre, 
526-537. 

Wright, Carroll D., 314. 

Wright, J. N. H., 291. 

Wurtemburg, preparation for civil 
service in, 540. 



Yale University, historical library 

at, 453. 
York,^ Duke of, 10, 1 1 ; township the 

political unit under, 11. 



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The Republic of New Haven, 

A History of Municipal Evolution. 

By CHARLES H. LEVERMORE, Ph. !>• 

Fellow in History, 188h-85, Johns HopMns Universily. 

{Extra Volume One of Studies in Historical and Political Science,^ 



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PHILADELPHIA 

1681-1887: 

A History of Municipal Deyelopment. 

By Edward P. Allinson, A. M., and Boies Penrose, A. B., 



OF THE PHILADELPHIA BAK. 



(Extra Volume Two of Studies in Historical and Political Science.') 



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Baltimore 

AND THE 

Nineteenth of April, i86i. 

A. Study of the "War. 
By GEOEGE WILLIAM BROWN, 

Chief Judge of the Supreme Bench of Baltimore and Mayor of the City in 1861, 

(Extra Volume Three of Studies in Historical and Political Science^ 



The position of Judge Brown as Mayor of Baltimore in 1861 
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instruct the Future. 



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Hopkins University, Md.; Carpenter, Wm H., Columbia College, N.Y,; Cledat, L., Faculty 
des Lettres, Lyons, France; Cohn, Adolphe, Harvard University, Mass.; Cook, A. b., University 
of California, Cal.; CosuN, P. J., University of Leyden, Holland; Crane, T. b\, Cornell Univer- 
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Mass.; Hart, J. M., University of Cincinnati, Ohio; Hempl, Geo., University of Gottingen, 
Germany ; Huss, H. C. O., Princeton College, N. J. ; von Jagkmann, H. C. G., University of Indi- 
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JOHNS HOPKINS UNIVERSITY STUDIES 

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Historical and Political Science 

HERBERT B. ADAMS, Editor 



History is past Politics and Politics present History — JF^reeTtian 



FIFTH SERIES 
XII 



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FIFTH SERIES.— Municipal Government. 
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